- The Nazi Connection to Islamic Terrorism - Posted by W June 29, 2013 INTRODUCTION I WROTE THIS BOOK in response to the Islamic terrorist attack on September 11, 2001. That vicious attack woke America up to the terrorism that Israel has known since before the founding of the Jewish State in 1948. A year before 9/ll, a date which will live in infamy, the Camp David Talk, which were supposed to conclude the Oslo Peace process, had collapsed in a hail of dismembered body parts. The Camp David talks of 2000 were hosted by President Bill Clinton. At those talks the Israeli negotiating team, led by Israeli Prime Minister Edud Barak, offered to the Palestinian negotiating team, led by Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat, 97 percent of the territories commonly referred to as the West Bank and Gaza. Additionally, at those negotiating sessions the Israelis offered the Palestinians a piece of land inside the Israeli capital city of Jerusalem, border adjustments that would have resulted in Palestinian sovereignty over the equivalent of 100 percent of the area located within the 1949 Armistice lines, and permission for a number of Palestinians, the number to be determined, to move into Israel, the so- called right of return. The Palestinians responded to the Camp David offer with suicide bombers at the Dolphin discotheque in Tel Aviv, at a Sbarro pizza parlor in Jerusalem, at a Tel Aviv shopping mall filled with voung children shopping for Purim costumes, on busses, at a hotel in Netanya hosting a family attending a Passover Seder, and at Hebrew University. Several years later, in 2003, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon handed over Gaza, ethnically cleansed of all of its Jews, to the Palestinian Authority. The Palestinians were handed a golden opportunity to turn that prime piece of beachfront property into a prosperous state, a Middle East version of Hong Kong, a responsible member of the community of nations. Besides handing over Gaza on a silver platter to the Palestinians with no preconditions, Israel once again, as it had done during the Oslo 1990s, provided money, supplies, and training for the Palestinians to help them to build a state, as did the American taxpayers. After the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, the Palestinian Authoriry was scheduled to receive significant aid and investment from around the world, including money from many of the vast and oil-rich Arab and Islamic nations. Had Gaza chosen to conduct itself as a responsible nation, had Gaza chosen the path of peace, the Israelis Were prepared to give the Palestinians a great deal more. There would have been a successful and peaceful Palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza today if it had chosen peace, a state within the borders of present day Israel. But instead the Palestinians of Gaza chose Hamas, which proceeded to turn Gaza into a launching pad for aggressive and unprovoked war against the State of Israel. The Gaza state in the making proceeded to fire thousands of deadly missiles over its border and into Israeli cities and torwns, and it abducted Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier on Israeli soil. These are the facts. I supported the Oslo Peace Process with great reluctance in the 1990s. While I did not believe the approach of land for peace would work, while I did not believe that by amputating an arm Israel would be able ro save the life of the whole body, like a lot of Jews I nevertheless was sickened by the carnage. I could not stand the thought of reading another newspaper report about another Jewish man, women, child, elder, Holocaust survivor blown to bits because they dared to live their life in Israel. I could not bear to hear about another Jewish mother witnessing her baby stroller being blown up by a bomb. Like many, I was willing to suspend incredulity to turn a blind eye, in order to ask Israel to go chasing after a piece of paper that had the word peace written upon it. At this time I can no longer support the Oslo process. I believe the process is dead. There must not be another Palestinian state at least not one that would be carved out of that tiny swath of land that rests uneasily between theJordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. There are already two Palestinian states, a Jewish one and an Arab one, Israel and Jordan. There are already over twenty Arab states, many of them soaked in oil and natural resources. Another state within Israels present border would spell national suicide for Israel. This book is an examination of the nature of the conflict between Israel and the Arabs going back to the establishment of the British Mandate of Palestine in 1920. Many leaders of movements, religious, political, or cultural, leave their marks on history and on the lives and actions of their followers, and this influence at times endures for generations, even millennia. This is true, for example, regarding the faith, philosophy, style, and even the appearance and mannerisms of great figures such as Moses, Jesus, Mohammed, and Buddha. This is also true about more modern leaders such as George Washington, Karl Marx, Abraham Lincoln, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Martin Luther King, and Ronald Reagan. We study these leaders not only to obtain insight into their thinking but also to gain insight into the nature of their influence on our own times and on the movements that carry on their legacy. This is why it is important to study the life and work of Haj Amin al-Husseini, known as the grand mufti of Jerusalem and widely considered to be the founding father of the modern Palestinian movement. Al-Husseini was both a religious and a political figure; he held the religious office of mufti of Jerusalem and he simultaneously held the political office of head of the Supreme Musiim Council in British Palestine in the 1920s and early 1930s. Likewise the conflict between the Jews and the Arabs in Israel is also both political and religious. Al-Husseinis policies, and his beliefs and actions would set the tone for how the Arab leaders and populations of Palestine, and indeed of most of the Arab world, would respond to the aspirations of sovereignty held by the Jews in Palestine. Evidence suggests that al-Husseini was not only an anti-Zionist but also an anti-Semite as the term is used to describe those who generally hate Jews. Al-Husseini would tolerate Jews in Palestine only if they accepted dhimmi status, which is as second-class citizens with no rights. The traditional status of dhimmi in the Arab world, generally applied to non-Muslims living in the Arab world, was analogous to the status afforded to African-Americans in Southern American society before Civil Rights Movement. Al-Husseini initiated the tactic of suicide bombing in the 1930s not against Jews, but against Palestinian Arabs willing to talk to Jews. This raises an interesting question, which is: Why did the Western democracies, first Britain and then the United States, so often support the more radical elements in the Middle East and often at the expense of the more moderate element? It was the British governor-general of Palestine, Sir Herbert Samuel, who installed al-Husseini as mufti of Jerusalem in spite of his having been previously convicted of instigating a murderous riot against Jews in Jerusalem and in spite of his losing a plebiscite for the position of mufti that was held among the Arab citizens of Palestine. Moderate Arabs who were willing to work peacefully alongside a modest Jewish state, a state that would recognize and protect the rights of Arabs and Muslims, would be ignored, driven out of public life, and sometimes murdered, and this remains the case to this day in the Palestinian community. The appendix of this book contains the virtually forgotten Faisal- Weizmann Agreement in which the moderate post-World War I Arab leader King Faisal ibn Hussein of Syria signed an accord with Chaim Weizmann, head of the Zionist movement in London in 1919. This author contends that this far-sighted agreement represents international law. The Hashemite King Faisal, considered to have been direct descendent of the Prophet Mohammed as well as the political leader of the Arab world after World War I, wrote that the return the Jews to their ancient homeland was consistent with his Muslim faith and was in the best interest of the emerging Arab nations achieving independence from Turkey and from the European colonial powers. Faisal envisioned a partnership between Jew and Muslim, Israel and the Arab states, as they moved together into the new modern era of national sovereignty. Haj Amin al-Husseini had different ideas and would play a significant role in overturning Faisals progressive vision. Al-Husseini was the first leader to send a congrarulatory letter to Adolf Hitler upon his election in 1933. In 1936, al-Husseini contacted Nazi emissary Adolf Eichmann during his visit to Palestine and Egypt. Soon after, al-Husseini became a paid agent of the Nazis and instigated a revolt asainst the British in Palestine. After the British evicted him from Palestine he moved on to Iraq, where he played a behind-the-scenes role in a pro-Nazi coup in 1940 and a role in the Fahud, the anti-Jewish pogrom that followed the collapse of the pro-Nazi Iraqi coup. After fleeing Iraq, and after stopping in Tehran, Istanbul, and Rome, al-Husseini ended up in Berlin where he held a well-publicized meeting with Hitler. At that meeting, Hitler promised to set al-Husseini up as a Nazi fuehrer in the Middle East after he subdued Europe. The plan was for al-Husseini to lead Nazi-Muslim brigades across the Caucasus Mountains where they would impose a Nazi-Muslim caliphate. Hitler and al-Husseini also discussed the Jewish problem. Al-Husseini was the de facto head of a Nazi-Muslim government-in-exile in Berlin during the war. He conducted bone-chilling anti-Semitic broadcasts, was financed by money confiscated from Jews after they were sent to the death camps, was involved in training Bosnian Muslim Hanzar brigades to fight for the Nazi Wehrmacht, and he initiated espionage and sabotage in the Middle East against the Allies and against the Jews of Palestine. Al-Husseini toured the death camps and sent letters to pro-Nazi European leaders urging them to send their Jews to Poland, which was a euphemism for the crematoria. There are many incidences known in which AL-Hussein was more pro-Nazi and more of a promoter of the Holocaust than were the Nazi elite themselves. Al-Husseini was never held to account for his World War II crimes, as he slipped out of Germany one step ahead of a summons to appear at the Nuremberg Tribunal. He went on to Cairo where he operated against Israel with a virtual free hand until his death in 1975 .He assisted in the smuggling of Nazi war criminals into the Middle East, where many of them converted to Islam, adopted Muslim names, and rose to positions of prominence in Arab capitals. He played a role in training irregulars, including Yasser Arafat, who was purported to be his nephew, to fight against Israel in its war of independence. There were reports of men on the front line attacking Israel in Hanzar uniforms. Al-Husseini briefly headed an all-Arab government in Gaza and called for Arabs to leave Israel with promises that they would be returned. He was implicated in the assassination of the moderate Jordanian King Abdallah, who wanted peace with Israel, and he played a major role in instituting Arab refugee camps by discouraging Arab governments from assimilating the Arab refugees for political reasons. Remaining an Islamic extremist and a Nazi for the rest of his life, it could be argued that Haj Amin al-Husseini is also the father of the modern jihadist movement against the Western democracies and against the moderate Arab and Muslim countries. The Palestinian Arabs and their supporters make a legitimate and reasoned argument in terms of why they should be sovereign in Palestine west of the Jordan River. This simple fact should be acknowledged and should not be denied. Both sides have been locked in an interminable debate that goes around and around in circles. To argue the Israeli-Arab conflict is like being trapped on a merry-go-round. While this author recognizes the legitimacy of the Palestinian Arab position, the sincerity in which they hold that position, and the sacrifices they have made in presenting their position, it is nevertheless contended here, with respect, that the Palestinian Arab position, while legitimate, is simply not as strong as the Israeli position on all levels. So what then should be done? For political reasons Israel should openly declare that there will be no further withdrawal from the territory in which it now resides. The Arab populations of Gaza, Judea, and Samaria should be granted regional autonomy and should establish governments modeled after the canton system of Switzerland. Arabs residing in the cantons should have the option of receiving Israeli citizenship and passports that list them as dual citizens of both Israel and their respective cantons. Israel should invest in these cantons economically and work toward improving the quality of life for the Arab residents. Jews should be permitted to live anywhere they choose to live inside Israel. It should be declared, openly and unapologetically, that Israel is the Jewish state and that the primary mission of Israel is to serve as the homeland of the Jewish people. While the rights of the minority population and minority religions must be respected, as would be in accord with Jewish tradition, the State of Israel should nevertheless unabashedly promote its Jewish identity. Israel should continue to hold out the olive branch of peace to all Arab and Muslim nations and peoples and, in accord with the Faisal-Weizmann Agreement, Israel should continue to seek to develop cultural, economic, and trade alliances with the Arab world for the benefit of all. I am now going to venture very carefully into some highly speculative and controversial opinions, so be forewarned. Israel, supported by Jews from around the world, should take steps to offer Arab residents of Israel financial incentives to emigrate to other Arab or non-Arab nations. This is not ethnic cleansing, as this would be a strictly voluntary program and would be handled on a case-by-case basis. No person or family would ever be required to leave Israel or suffer any repercussions from staying in Israel. This privately run and funded program should be accompanied by increased efforts to encourage Jewish immigration into Israel, particularly from African and Asian countries. For practical reasons, Israel cannot retreat into the rump state with truncated borders that existed before the Six-Day War of 1967. To do so would be a regressive turn backward and would engender the same problems Israel confronted in those difficult years. I acknowledge that I am about to enter into extreme controversy by Jipping my toe into the very contentious waters of a brief examination of the religious claims surrounding the conflict. It cannot be denied that religion plays a central role in the conflict and to ignore this factor would be presenting an incomplete picture. The fact is that Israel today exists in exactly the land that was promised to the Jews by the Almighty, promised to Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and to the children of Israel in the Torah. This would be the modest land that lies within the region between the Jordan River to the east and the (Mediterranean) Great Sea to the west, from Dan (Mount Hermon) to the north to Beersheba to the south. In fact, the only part of Israel that was not specifically promised to the children of Israel by the Almighty in the Torah but that is a part of modern Israel today is the slice of desert that runs from Beersheba south to the Red Sea and to the Israeli port city of Eilat. Yet the religious claims of Islam to Israel are also quite real and emotional. Besides the existence of Islamic holy sites within Israel, sites that the Israelis have been meticulous to leave in Islamic hands, the land itself has a sense of holiness that makes it a coveted piece of real estate not just for Jews and Muslims but also for Christians. I am presenting a proposal here that will probably satisfy nobody, but I humbly present it just the same. The fact is that the Jews lost all effective sovereignty over Israel in 70 AD when the Romans destroyed the Second Temple. That sovereignty was miraculously restored in 1948. The Temple Mount today remains holy to both Jews and Muslims. The Book of Kings makes reference to Hiram, the king of Tyre, and the partnership he formed with King Solomon in the building of the Temple in Jerusalem. The Book of Kings also makes reference to another Hiram, son of a widow of the tribe of Naphtali, whose father was of Tyre and who served as a master architect and builder of the Temple. It seems clear from the text that Solomon worked in close collaboration with Hiram of Tyre, a king of a great Canaanite city, in the building of the Temple. Perhaps this Biblical story might serve as a model for a Jewish-Islamic project to rebuild the Temple on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem today. Ultimately, only the Almighty will know the right time and the right circumstance to rebuild the Temple, but I propose that a committee be formed, made up equally of Jewish rabbis and Muslim imams, that would agree to study the issue for a period of no less than seventy years. Seventy men, selected to serve on the committee by their respective religious peers, would serve ten-year terms. The committee would be made up of thirty-five rabbis and thirty-five imams, respected men of high morals and high levels of learning. The presidency would rotate between a rabbi and an imam. The committee would meet in secret but would occasionally issue reports on their progress and reflections. As the end of the seventy years approaches, the committee would decide whether it required another seventy-year extension to examine the issue. With the help of the Almighty and with the prayers of both Jews and Muslims, the Temple would be rebuilt under the direction of both the children of Israel and the children of Ishmael and this would serve, G-d willing, as a sign of a new era of peace. defeatcommunism/group/bookclub/forum/topics/the-nazi-connection-to-islamic-terrorism
Posted on: Sun, 30 Nov 2014 00:02:18 +0000
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