1.3) “QUAKING EMPIRE” AND EMPEROR’S VISIT TO - TopicsExpress



          

1.3) “QUAKING EMPIRE” AND EMPEROR’S VISIT TO AMERICA “Haile Selassie has repeatedly used a personal visit to Washington as a device by which to increase or maintain assistance for Ethiopia. It is clear that he hopes to do again. As of now, he has not asked for a meeting, but he has made it plain that he wants an invitation.” [Henry A. Kissinger to President R. Nixon, “Information”, March 20/1972]. The subject of this document says, ”Haile Selassie Deeply Disturbed by Cut in Military Assistance for Ethiopia”. The document was prepared and submitted to President Richard Nixon on March 20/1972 after the Emperor called Ambassador Ross Adair (American Embassy Addis Ababa) on March 19/1972 and poured out his disappointment. Emperor Haile Selassie’s visit to Washington in mid-May 1973 was not a decision reached abruptly or without thinking over it for long. He had ample information over the reason of reduction of military aid for 1972. He had been received the necessary information directly from the White House, the then secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the then USA Ambassador in Addis Ababa Ross Adair as well as from the then Assistant Secretary of State for Africa who was sent as a special envy of President Nixon to deliver a letter of Nixon to the Emperor. The main reason was that the Congress had decided to reduce military aid of FY1972 to all friendly countries because of budgetary constraints of the USA. Ethiopia, therefore, was not the only country which faced such a reduction. Declassified documents indicate that he Emperor was informed as early as mid-March 1972. In addition to this, the declassified documents reveal that Nixon’s Administration didn’t want the Emperor to demand an invitation to visit the White House and to directly talk with President Nixon. Why did he pay a visit after one year in Mid-May 1973? Did it have to do with the then looming internal problems? Was he really concerned about the internal socio=economic and political problems of Ethiopia? Wasn’t he aware of the then political, economic and social problems of his country? What was his actual problem that drove him to run to America at that odd time? Was his trip successful? Emperor Haile Selassie paid the 6th and last visit to the White House in mid-May 1973, (details of his visit will have a separate place. In this section of the background information will be dealt with). By that time the political atmosphere had started suffocating the public. Discipline of work in State run offices and other institutions was spiraling down. Living conditions were deteriorating from time to time. There was a high possibility of system breakdown although its probability was low because: a) There was no organized body to lead a change of the system and to take over political power. b) State security agents within the army, navy, air force, the body guards. Were legion. c) In every institution military, political police, paid civilian women and men, the youth and other CIs were serving the system at every level of the then hierarchical system of the state. University students were the most outspoken opposition of the system in urban areas although they were not and couldn’t mobilize themselves to control political power. Their mission was to agitate the public and to have it organized against the archaic system of the Emperor. During their open field meetings within their campuses they had repeatedly caught intelligence and security agents, and had long discussions on what to do with the wolves of the state that are caught red handed not only within student campuses but also within their meetings having fake student ID cards. Wise suggestions, from certain mature students, led to releasing them free with no physical harm. In addition to these myriad of state intelligence and security termites against the public there were ample symptoms that the underground arena was also used by foreign recruits. These used to secretly infiltrate and manipulate students and the unemployed sector of the society in Addis Ababa. Underground anti-government leaflets used to circulate and be distributed in campuses, schools, streets and other environs. I can’t say the Emperor was unaware of these situations and the attempt of Americans to make him stay at a distance from the White House. They wanted him at an arms distance. His visit to the USA, which was not expected from a leader who “loves his subjects and his country”[?], was a reflection of irresponsibility. It was also a reflection of his love for political power and his own personal life. Based on the then reality his visit was not a priority to the then need of the country because a) Internal public discontent was not hidden. The system was slowly bleeding the socio-economic life of the masses. b) The famine of 1972-1973 had claimed the lives of a quarter of a million in the northern parts of the country, especially covering the provinces of Wello and Tigray. Emperor Haile Selassie’s officials and the state controlled media were denying the famine and were running an intensive and extensive campaign of cover-up. The so nicknamed “the Red Ras”, by the palace, Ras Imru Haile Selassie, going against the conspiracy of silence of the government distributed food to those who walked hundreds of miles from Wello to Addis Ababa and were around Arat Kilo. University students and some concerned citizens in Addis Ababa donated what they could (food, water, and clothes) without attracting attention. These famine affected victims walked from Wello to Addis Ababa with an expectation to get help from their government. But these same people were rounded up and press-ganged outside Addis Ababa and back to where they expect nothing waiting for them. The inhumanity of the state and its authorities and especially the Emperor infuriated university students and part of the well informed public in Addis Ababa. FAMINE: COVER-UP AND CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE The regime’s deafening cover-up and conspiracy of silence was disgusting. No one could excuse this inhumanity of the system. It became an additional fuel for university students to strengthen their opposition. University students were informed about the severity of the famine in Wello after a group of staff, organized by Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, secretly visited the famine affected region and came back with photos that depict the actual reality of the disaster. The mechanism used to inform students about the famine was excessively secretive. Discreet mechanism was the order of the day. i) No general meeting of university students was called and no information was unduly leaked until the students were informed of the situation and how the information was attained. ii) In April, in one night students were made to get out of their beds at mid-night in their respective dorm halls. For instance, in Arat Kilo Campus Menelik Hall, Mekonnen Hall and Saba Hall students ware made to assemble in their respective halls with minimum sound made. iii) Representatives of USUAA and the group that went to the famine affected region told the students about the famine and the seriousness of the situation. They also showed us photos which later were posted on walls and notice boards in the city secretly for public view. Then, without calling a general meeting decision were made to transfer the breakfast budget of the remaining semester II of that academic year to the famine affected people through USUAA. By then we had two months left to finish the semester and the academic year 1972/73 before it would be closed for the summer vacation. As I have mentioned earlier, the group that went secretly to Wello was organized by Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam. Later, the Emperor pulled out Prof. Mesfin from the university and appointed him governor of Assosa. His action was the same old technique of exiling people who were disliked or found threatening to the throne of Haile Selassie. Prof. Mesfin rejected the appointment and stayed in Addis Ababa. No one was in a position to force him because things were progressing from the worse to the worst. Prof. Mesfin witnessed how disgracefully the emperor was send out of his residence to a cell. Not only that he witnessed the weakling murderer Mengistu Haile Mariam running out of the country betraying his own troops, his own party and people. Mesfin advised him a safe means of political transfer. Mengistu rejected the call and advice in his public address using the media on April 19/1991. Mesfin was again pushed out of the university by the weakling Abiy Abebe. Mesfin, however, stayed alive with grace and wisdom but saw the demise of Mengistu’s government and Abyi’s disgraced removal form his post in the university. All those who were against the move of the students, Mesfin and other concerned staff and intellectuals lived to see those who made themselves “AN-TU-S” become live rodents and Musca domestica (house fly). c) University students intensified their opposition against the rotten activities of state authorities, feudal lords and security forces. They used every loophole to make the famine widely known by the public and the outside world. One of their attempts was organizing a demonstration in Addis Ababa. The demonstration was unique in a number of factors. a) University students devised a simultaneous three pronged demonstration to be conducted. These demonstrations were to start from each campus, i.e. Sidist kilo, Amist kilo and Arat kilo. b) They planned to carry one roll of bread each and to chant “BREAD FOR THE HUNGRY” [DA-BO LE-TE-RA-BE-W”]. The three branched demonstrations was : i) From Sidist Kilo. The largest group of Sidist kilo students was made to follow the street passing along Afincho Ber. This group became the most successful. It reached St. George Church [Menelik Square] before it was blocked from proceeding to Merkato where a hell will be loose. However, some slipped using the back lane of the church and reached Habtegiorgis Bridge where they faced a strong police force. There was firework. But still some of them and others from a different direction moved to Merkato. ii) Technology students joined Arat Kilo students and the whole group was divided into two at the square in front of the Ministry of Education. People from every building were following the process through their windows. One group flowed along Haile Selassie 1st Street which had the 2nd Police Station at about 150 meters. This group faced a police force but part of the students used the back lane that leads to SEBA DEREJA and Mekonnen Bridge in addition to those who slipped the police blockage somehow. Other went to the village at the back of the Ministry of Education and pursued the back lanes and roads to go to Teklehaymanot Square and to Merkato. Those who reached in a round about way to Haile Selassie 1st street proceeded along the street of Piassa (formerly ARADA) and joined a few of the group from Sidist kilo and continued to Merkato. iii) The third group followed Menen Street that passes along Arat kilo Palace. This group faced the worst fate. Highly organized police forces used tear gas and live lead pellet ammunition. One student got his backbone broken and was taken to a hospital. Another got a canister of tear gas burst on his head but the damage was minimal. The number of students wounded was in hundreds although the number was not that much exaggerated since the students were well aware of the force they would face. Information dealing with this demonstration was widely circulated in Addis Ababa and other cities, towns and the rural area. The most frustrated were top officials of the system who were demanding tough measures to be taken against university students. Please note that the names of streets, squares, bridges, and institutions were changed by the Military Derg (PMACG) on February 18/1975. The Official letter had no reference number and no name except the round stamp of the Derg with the map of Ethiopia at its mid with the words IT-YO-PI-YA TI-Q-DE-M(in Amharic or “Ethiopia First” in English) and an unreadable signature. The letter was sent to the Ministry of Information on the same day. Accordingly, Haile Selassie 1st Street was changed to Adwa Street (No. 3 of the list on the letter); Empress Menen Street was changed to “Development Through Cooperation Street” (No. 2); Haile Selassie 1st University (HSIU) was changed to Addis Ababa University(AAU, No.19); etc. BOYCOTTING CLASSES The second semester of 1972/73 was marred by wholesale boycotting classes in every campus of the university –Sidist Kilo , Arat Kilo (Faculty Of Science), Amist Kilo (Faculty of Technology), Southern Campus (Building College), etc. There were other colleges and high schools which followed the moves of university students. Some of the schools had contacts with university students and USUAA. The best known were Teferi Mekonnen, Menelik, Kolfie, Mekonnen, Kotebie, and Medhanie Alem Secondary Schools. During theis time of boycotting classes which took not less than two weeks armed forces from the police and the army were assigned to siege every campus. A number of these forces were assigned to get in the campus and control all the activities of students. There were armed forces who were sitting in lecture rooms to prevent students from going out and to follow what the students were doing within their lecture rooms. There were policemen armed with loaded rifles guarding the doors of our lecture rooms which they impose must be closed. No student was allowed to move from room to room. This created a funny situation. The armed men had no idea of the system we used. We do not sit the whole day in one class and attend all lectures. We had to move from room to another room after every lecture hour. In addition to this we had to go to Theology College (campus) where there were four lecture halls. Thus, a disagreement ensued which confused the policemen. They had to be told to understand how lectures are conducted in the campus. This mechanism, however, served us better than the police force or security and intelligence agents of the state. We could move out saying we are going to Theology campus for the next lecture. This system also helped us to communicate with students from different department when there arise a new situation. The armed forces who were told to keep alert and prevent any fly moving from place to place later found out everything what they were told was a fake. After about a week they were pulled out. Some of them got enlightened about the demands of the university students. They were not going to shoot if they were ordered to do so. The state was also suspicious of these troops who were assigned to keep order within the campus. They saw later that police forces were adamant not to attack students who stayed in their campuses and demonstrated. To avoid this top police officers once made the police force to drink Tej (local drink made from Honey) and get in the campus in one of the most sensitive demonstration and meeting held at Arat Kilo. I can’t accept anyone who argues that the emperor or his top officials were not informed about the dire situation. Everything was taking place under the nose of the Ministry of Education (found at Arat Kilo in front of the Science faculty campus); Arat Kilo Palace, the Parliament (which was full of feudal lords); PM office (which was found at Sidist Kilo next to the Hospital). All activity as I have deliberated above involved the police force, the army, the security and intelligence agents. For instance, the uncle of ISAIAS AFEWORKI ABRAHAM HAGOS Dejazmach SOLOMON ABRAHAM HAGOS was the governor of Wello. In an interview with the local media he said, “MIGRATION OF WELLO IS HABITUAL” [IN Amharic, WELLO ME-SE-DE-D LI-MA-DU NE-W]. His response related to the question of the famine infurated a lot who had the information and especially those from Wello. He late was made to retire. However, he was arrested and detained by the PMAC (Derg) and executed on the night of November 23/1974 (“Bloody Saturday”). He was No. 44 of the letter of execution signed by Major Mengistu Hailemariam. According to the report of BBC Daniel Dickison, the former faithful servant of Emperor Haile Selassie, Mamo Haile, said the emperor at first knew nothing of the famine. He added saying The emperor was shocked and deeply saddened. I went with him to Wollo. He had no idea his people were suffering like this,[“The Last of the Ethiopian Emperors”, BBC News, Addis Ababa, Last Updated: Thursday, 12 May, 2005, 10:35 GMT 11:35 UK]. It is true that no bad information was expected from the former trusted servant of the emperor who stayed with him since he was 17 years old. This might be his repayment of the favor the emperor did for him. The truth is however different. Who hid the information from the Emperor? Why? The famine was known throughout the world. How did it become hidden to him? Didn’t Ras Asrate Kassa or Aklilu Habtewold or his elder daughter tell him? Were they also not informed of the famine? The emperor’s wife was mainly from Wello, how did this information become hidden from the royal family? We do not get any answer of these questions from Ato Mammo Haile. We also expect nothing of that sort from him. His trust was to the emperor and will remain to the emperor until his death if after all he is still alive. But, it would be of some value to ask him if he is still alive.
Posted on: Wed, 06 Aug 2014 14:39:50 +0000

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