AAP’s optimism for Central role just a chimera Saturday, 18 January 2014 | Mujtaba Khan | in Oped In the realm of India’s political historiography, it may not be an exaggeration to postulate that there exists an inherent mechanism in her political culture to rectify the fault lines that cause decay of its foundational institutions. The emergence of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is to be understood in this perspective. It is equally true that political developments in India, by and large, have a direct bearing on the political dynamics and changes occurring in the Congress party. As such, the formation and the rise of the AAP owe much to the governing strategies of the Congress both in Delhi and the federal apex. On the eve of Independence it was believed that the values of Renaissance that developed in the course of the Independence movement would completely transform the socio-economic fabric and usher in India a secular democratic society wedded to the ideals of social justice and equality of opportunity. Unfortunately the last sixty years saw virtually a counter trend promoting divisive tendencies, hate syndrome, and unbridled corruption cannibalising the very notions that were meant to jettison them. The post-Nehruvian phase witnessed widespread casteist hatred and antagonistic communal consciousness often manifesting into sectarian and communal frenzy. The constantly escalating tyranny of the dominant political classes coupled with caste-cum-communal groups on the one hand, and on the other, the people’s expectations, generated the following: political enlightenment of the middle class, the marginalised and the minorities; and from the state machinery, warranted a paradigm shift in order to address the vital needs of livelihood, employment, security and the bare civic life. It was against this backdrop that an astute and pragmatic Arvind Kejriwal rose to the occasion emerging as a ray of hope, mainly for the new generation youth, by floating the AAP. The triumph march of the AAP to the Delhi Assembly piercing into the much publicised Modi wave among Delhi youths is a vindication of the AAP’s acceptability among the people. In the same vein, the regular reports of influx of academicians, professionals and others into the party fold signal its growing popularity and the shape the party is fast assuming. Caught in the vortex of political gimmickry, mudslinging, casting of insinuations, self-aggrandisements and the obnoxious debate surrounding Modi vs Rahul, Shazada vs Shahenshah or Akbar vs Aurangzeb, both the Congress as well as the BJP remained largely insensitive to the emergent socio-economic aspirations of the young political recruits and failed to realise that the common citizen today is no more a mere subject of politics but has turned into an object in shaping his own political destiny and effecting government policies and priorities. Team Anna took the lead in grappling with the prevalent ground realities and the pent-up frustration of the common people and set out to combat rampant corruption prevailing in the upper echelons of power. The team perceived corruption as the prime source of all ills and saw its effective remedy in a comprehensive Lokpal. They utilised the opportunity to hold the Congress-led UPA-2 to ransom as the regime was caught in a web of scams and managed to garner support across communities, including the saffron brigade who was quick to fish in the troubled waters in order to propel the movement solely as an anti-Congress operation. Paradoxically, vain attempts were made to draw parallels between Anna Hazare, Gandhiji and Jayaprakash Narayan. While Jayaprakash’s tirade against political corruption could not go beyond momentary sensitisation of the civil society, the Lokpal impact too, despite a developed media culture, failed to generate the anticipated hysteria beyond Delhi and select urban centres. As a result, the movement received a lukewarm response from the government and the expected warmth and enthusiasm was missing also in the Opposition camp when the issue came up for discussion in Parliament. Ironically, all this happened when corruption was widely perceived as an obnoxious curse and its annihilation remained a long cherished desire of the people and groups across the board. Sensing the unyielding government mood and fast receding public espousal, Team Anna abandoned its Anshan approach and decided to embark on the political course in their endeavor to carve a forthright society in India. Nonetheless, lack of unanimity in the team for the proposed adventure provided an alibi for Kejeriwal to dissociate from the team and launch the AAP even at the displeasure of Anna and his lieutenants. The AAP clamour that the promise of justice and equality as enshrined in the Constitution has not been fulfilled and the common people of India are alienated from the governing process and hence the need to reverse the trend by embracing the Gandhian Swaraj model based on self-governance, community building and decentralisation, caught popular imagination providing added strength and encouragement to Kejriwal in his political pursuits. The AAP initiative to work out a new political alternative by roping in people of integrity and honesty for the coming Lok Sabha in its quest to accomplish the mission of corruption-free governance is seemingly an appropriate gesture. Nevertheless, who will ensure that the new political organisation will remain immune from corruption? Independent India witnessed a mushroom growth of self-styled symbols of virtue in the form of political parties, dals, sanghs, jamaats and senas that in due course of time turned victims of many a vice. Is the AAP prepared to cope with the multifarious issues confronting the nation rising above its single agenda of elimination of corruption that it had inherited from the Anna movement? Pertinently, the Congress experiment suggests that parties that inherit ideals and legacies evolved over a long period of time from the experiences of long drawn struggles can only establish viable political organisations sheltering diverse philosophical flairs akin to a fundamental ideology. In fact, it is precisely because of this reason that the factions that fell off the Congress fold and formed political outfits to challenge the party miserably failed to emerge as formidable ideological alternatives to confront the Congress at the national level. Curiously, many of them re-entered the parent party or extended outside support to it. A viable political alternative at the national level indeed is a dire need of the day, however, given the non-serious, noncommittal and callous nature of our political actors coupled with the element of personal greed, the ideal political alternative the AAP leadership is optimistic about appears more a dream than reality. The stability and coherence of any political institution primarily depends on its origin. Stable political organisations are neither created in a vacuum nor are they brought into existence overnight externally, they gradually grow and evolve into enduring forces under the ideological and philosophical guidance of capable visionary leaders. It is quite premature to believe that the AAP has that requisite leadership, ideological coherence and the political acumen essential to hold the organisation intact. It is worth recalling that at the age of 69, when Nehru sought to relieve himself of the burdens of the party, the magnitude of protest against his decision from all corners convinced him that ultimately the whole country looked to him for support and guidance. Nonetheless, despite a favourable climate to acquire absolute authority, Nehru kept himself completely insulated from personalising power, unlike his successors who showed no hesitation even in personalising policy and knocking down institutions that limited their hegemony. The trend became a common feature of all national parties and their leadership irrespective of the ideology or ‘ism’ they profess. Politics to them became an avenue for profiteering, devoid of moral turpitude. Is the AAP prepared to arrest this tendency? Already one of its MLAs, Vinod Kumar Binny, has blown the bugle of revolt against the party chief and others are reportedly in the queue. The AAP leadership ought to realise that success in political adventurism is essentially contextual. Delhi provided it the requisite context for a smooth sail. The absence of a regional political force in Delhi coupled with a proactive media network persistently and systematically exposing the commissions and omissions of the ruling clique potentially contributed to the AAP’s political rise. Expecting similar situation in other parts of the country for repeat performances is nothing but a chimera. The role of established regional parties in various states of the Union cannot be simply glossed over. However, Utter Pradesh on account of its proximity to Delhi and the highly cruel and insensitive governing strategies of the SP regime is bound to spare a reasonable political space to the AAP irrespective of the presence of the BSP. Certainly it is a moment for the AAP to rejoice for all that it had already gained in Delhi in its maiden appearance on the Indian political canvas. Although the party is set to make some inroads in UP and a few pockets of Haryana, nonetheless, it needs to come out with a comprehensive ideological frame and vision plan before proceeding to carve a credible niche on the national political map. (Prof M Mujtaba Khan, is Director, Academic Staff College, Jamia Millia Islamia)
Posted on: Sat, 18 Jan 2014 06:55:24 +0000
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