ADAMAWA COMMUNITY ADVANCEMENT INITIATIVE, YOLA 2013 DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT IN ADAMAWA STATE OF NIGERIA: THE ISSUES AT STAKE JOHN NGAMSA, Ph.D johngamsa@yahoo 4/6/2013 ABSTRACT The thrust of this paper is on the normative theory of democracy which deals with the moral foundation of democracy itself and the democratic institutions in Adamawa state of Nigeria. From a descriptive perspective the paper highlighted the following: our democracy on trial; are we not a failed state; corruption; ethnicity, religion and society and the need for development of the right kind. The paper equally identified factors indicating that Nigeria at large is at the brink of becoming a ‘failed state’. Findings of the paper equally recommend the need to find ways of fostering true democracy for human index development of the people of Adamawa state of Nigeria. Keywords: Party politics, Unity, Democracy, Development Introduction The convener of this occasion commissioned me to present a paper on party-politics, unity and development in Adamawa State of Nigeria. My task was however made easier by the terms of the letter of invitation allowing me to alter the topic as long it restricts the scope of the issue paper to the main objective of the initiative_ set to seek ways of uniting the good people of our dear State. The keywords defining this speech event, permit me to say, are like interacting animals in the semantic jungle of the terms Democracy and Development. To put in context of our field of discourse therefore, party politics is defined as part of the process of electing political representatives; unity as the bringing together of people in human community while development is to be understood in this perspective as the purposeful mobilization of both human and material resources for individual and national well-being. Democracy which embodies all our operational terms in this context, then becomes the total sum of integrating parts in governance rather than the segmentation of components for development. In functional terms, democracy refers to the social contract between a people and government in a given community where resources, services and security are provided for in addition to law and order. It is also in order to situate the fact that democracy cannot be without a society_ assemblage of people where everybody knows everyone and where they are all bound together by the socio-cultural, political and economic faculties of human existence (Akinfeleye, 1995). These definitions then enable this paper the leverage of adopting the Normative Theory of Democracy which ‘hangs’ on the affirmative goodness of its functionality where: Intrinsically individuals are allowed to live freely and autonomously; and, Instrumentally, the guarantee that policies and laws created by a government will have a reasonable fit with the fundamental interest of the people. While this paper hypothesises on the afore-stated assumptions that are no less so in poor and developing countries than in the North and Western parts of the world, we need to consider several empirical questions that shape the definition of democracy: do democratic citizenship institutions in use, actually facilitate economic development of the right kind? And truly, do the democratic institutions guarantee or even make possible, the result that government policies and laws will reflect the fundamental interest of the people? Our answers to these questions rest on both the need and the will to put in place a workable system in order to translate the aspirations of governance into fulfillment of the social contract which democracy itself entails. Our Democracy on Trial In sync with the report of the Economic Commission for Africa which argued that the creation of “capable states” based on positive priorities, ours inclusive, is one of the most fundamental challenges of modern democratic states. Igbuzor (2013:4) particularly, streamlines priorities which are tenable to the democratic requirements which this occasion is seeking to achieve: 1. Strengthening the capacity of legislature to perform their core functions 2. Enlarging the legal and judicial reforms/rules of law on the scale of justice in reality 3. Improving the public sector management for desired results 4. Improvement of public sector services 5. Removing bureaucratic bottlenecks to private enterprises 6. Tapping the potentials of information and communication technologies 7. Fostering credibility and responsible media 8. Maximizing the contribution of traditional modes of governance 9. Confronting the governance dimension of the primary health care, HIV/AIDS and other hazards to our communities 10. Getting external/non-governmental partners and donors to help support the government in times of disasters and need for relief 11. The assurance that lives and property are protected in communities by the entire security apparatus of the nation If these priorities as expectation of democracy do not reflect what is on ground, then the fall out remains what we all must live to decry. Faced with the fact of ‘our democracy on trial’ as a FAILED PROJECT, Achebe (2012:248) in his memoir prelude to his demise as a great Nigerian, tags: The End of Government itself_ the antithesis of normative theory of democracy. In contention, Achebe decries a situation where government leaps beyond precipice, dismisses itself and joins ranks with crime. The ‘crime’ here remains the absence of democracy in its entirety where it lacks self evidence. In failing the people, a ‘democracy’ like ‘ours’, raises its own ‘ban of crooks, crocodile liberators, vampires elites, terror masterminds and developers of schemes that devour even the peoples’ potentials. In the words of George Ayittey, the Ghanian economist, again we see a clearer picture of the collective activity of ‘vampire elites’ whose pre-occupation is to device means of creating a failed state out of our nation Are we not a Failed State? Already, indicators are showing. In 2011, Nigeria was scored fourteen on the failed states index – just below the most volatile havens of instability like Afganistan, Somalia, Iraq and Gaza. State failure has typical indices world over. Let us look at the following description and subtract one indicator that is not applicable to our state and the nation at large if at all – (A failed state) is one that is unable to perform its duties on several levels: i. When violence cascades into an all out internal war; ii. When standards of living massively deteriorates; iii. When infrastructure of ordinary life decays; and iv. When the greed of rulers overwhelms their responsibilities to better their people and their surroundings. [Achebe 2012:250] If we cannot subtract any of the indicators, it shows then that Nigeria is already ‘failed’ and that this claim is tenable leading to the fact that we are not getting it right. We are just practicing ‘democracy for democracy’s sake like Arts for Art sake’. The argument therefore fits President Bill Clinton’s remark to National Assembly in 2000 where he declares: There are still those around the world who see democracy as a luxury that people seek only when times are good. Nigerians have shown us that democracy is a necessity, especially when times are hard. The statement sounded apologetic for democracy but significantly sarcastic; a ridicule that distinguishes between good and hard meaning that we cannot make good of it at the moment but are often persuaded to seek democracy only when things are hard … are things hard enough for us to seek democracy in its true sense? It is still valid to underscore how economic deprivation and corruption exacerbate all forms of financial and social inequities in any given population, which in turn fuel political instability. This scenario goes on to establish the claim that within our socio-cultural environment Adamawa State in particular, extremists of all kinds (political, religious and ethnic) find a foothold to recruit supporters and sympathizers to help them launch and wreak untold hardship on ordinary citizens– all in the name of politics. It is sad to emphasise that beyond travesty, this fall out is fast becoming a norm ingrained in the ‘psyche’ of our politicians. This is why most of our ruling elites and dirty jobbers join politics: first as party warlords and champions of intra party squabbles; then into government as ethnic champions seeking to device schemes of tribalism and finally, as political office holding senior citizens with criminal certificates of looting and misappropriation of public funds for selfish ends – amounting to the plundering and destruction of our democracy. Corruption: Fire on the Mountain, Run Round, Run Round As an outcome of inauspicious and antidemocratic activities in our nation, corruption remains a norm highly encouraged by the system. Corruption is no longer just part of the system but instead “the system” itself where a citizen can no longer foster even a business initiative without smirching his hands in wrongdoing. Being both dirty and foul in nearly all aspects of endeavours, it is baffling to note that recently World Bank released numbers indicating that $400 billion has been pilfered from Nigeria’s treasury since independence. This according to Achebe (2013:249) – is approximately the gross domestic product (GDPs) of Norway and Sweden. In other words, the text clearly reads that Nigeria’s corrupt ruling class stole the equivalent of the entire economy of European countries in more than four decades. It is rather more conclusive than suggestive that this theft of national funds is one of the factors largely making it practically impossible for Nigeria to succeed – basically responsible for our underdevelopment. Contingent upon the lapse created by corruption that hampers our way forward, is the collateral between stolen funds and godfatherism_ a desperate, corrupt practice in which moneybags/governments in power sponsor candidates. This attempt to push such inept candidates right to political offices through bribing, rigging and violence against the opposition, further dampens the basic principles upon which the values of democracy are entirely built. It therefore creates an inane political system where unsavory characters who have looted the treasury replicate themselves and their vices – election rigging, stifling of the opposition, unpopular legislation, corrupting the anti-corruption agencies, and other unmentionable acts of violence/insecurity. Ethnicity, Religion and Security In tackling the issue of unity in our state and the nation at large, this paper finds it pertinent to adopt Hasan Kukah’s perspective on Democracy and Civil Society in Nigeria. His insight on ethnicity, religion and Nigerian politics perfectly fits above others; tracing the historical beginning of the ethno-religious factors threatening the very foundation of Nigeria’s peaceful coexistence. Kukah (2003:97) identifies the entries of Islam and Christianity into Nigeria as follows: The stories of Islam and Christian in Nigeria differ significantly in terms of the historical and cultural experiences of Nigerians with them. When both religions arrived, they sought to assert themselves by dislodging the traditional religions of the communities with which they interacted by offering their people new gods as a basis of moral legitimation.6 This was one of the areas of intense, even if unequal conflict. It has been argued that the attitudes of the missionaries of these religions sowed the seed for their subsequent politicization in Nigeria. Their quest for converts and subsequent expansion created various forms of internal problems for some communities where relationship had been largely non-conflictual. Apart from the tensions created by conversions among families, many communities used these conversions to assert their hegemony over and otherness from neighbouring communities. Thus, in a place like Northern Nigeria, conversion to Christianity was an attractive option for some of the many minority ethnic groups which had experienced tribulations in the hands of what some saw as Hausa/Fulani colonialism and imperialism during and after the Jihad. Taking this claim as valid, this occasion must in spades accept the fact that over time, these differences within Christianity (and Islamic) communities have become fossilized and deep-rooted that the prejudices built have now created avenues for opportunists to use these differences as means for political bargaining and differentiation (Kukah 2003:97). No one tells us better what some political leaders do during campaigns to divide people along religious line which in turn invokes the spirit of ethnicity and tribalism given the configuration designed by the two religions. Further still and beyond any conjecture is how religious extremism is increasing causing restiveness among the people and tribes of our geo-political settlement. No one tells us more about the uncharitable and devious activities of ‘Boko Haram’ violently destroying the mutual basis of our peaceful coexistence. In the smirchy debacles of Apostolic Church killings in Jimeta, Mubi raid and massacre of over 30 innocent students and invasion of other ethnic communities, the inability of the government(s) to tackle the issue head long, allows more to be questioned. Concentration of the attacks though by ‘extremists’ who target churches, is an identifiable factor broadening the dimension of suspicion polarising the people. It will take time, efforts and resources to reinvent the previous confidence shared by our forebears in the building of our nation – Adamawa, our immediate constituency. The Need for Development of the Right Kind Development, the act of improving by expansion or enlarging is explained better as a state in which things are improving. Ibister (2001) on Capitalism and Justice, restricts “development” to the ramification of economics. To him development has four dimensions namely: economic, political, social and cultural. In any given context, economic development has been at the top of almost every country’s priority because of what it stands for (Dilli, 2010:8). The goal for development therefore is the improvement of human development of the right kind. An unknown source summarizes the several dimensions of economic development applicable to all nations, thus: *Growth in the productive capacity of society: growth in productivity of labour, agriculture and capital (leading to growth in per capita incomes and per capita assets) *Development that leads to significant and continuing improvement in the quality of life for the poor and the near-poor (that is, the majority of the population in most developing societies). * Development that serves to broaden the distribution of economic assets and incomes * Development that leads to improvement in conditions of health and safety in the workplace * Development that leads to improvement in “quality of life” issues for all improved access to health care, clean water, education * Development that leads to sustainable environmental changes and resource use * Development that leads to improvement in gender equity over time (personal.umd.umich.edu/delittle/Democracy%20and20%development) Short of the afore-stated dimensions of economic development, in tandem with the thesis of this paper, we can emphasise the fact that: 1. Democratic political institutions must have positive effect/impact on the achievements of some or all of these characteristics of economic development, and; 2. Electoral democracy in our state and nation must facilitate economic development of the right kind in our communities (Olarinmoye 2010). These basic expectations must be defined in reality and in context of our state. Recently, the CBN lists about five states of Nigeria that might not be in position to even pay salaries by the close of this year – 2013. Adamawa State is first on the list; suggesting that the state of our indebtedness will soon wreck the system. This commentary surpasses the insinuation that might equally undermine this indicator to economic failure as a mere political gimmick. To this I sincerely implore all of us to be critical and forthcoming with ideas to improve our degenerating economy in order to bring about development of the right kind. My concern in this speech event is to suggest clear cut concern to the political class that there is correlation between politics and economics. It is in this vested concern that my take becomes necessary for us to understand that failed projects, budget misappropriation and fraud are critical indicators and ‘incubators’ of all manner of social crimes. All to be scaled on the premise of the need for us to have a prosperous democracy that is people oriented. What do we do to move ahead and redeem our non performance in order build an enviable state? The Way Forward Above all said and mentioned, Adamawa State perhaps beyond other states of Nigeria, has the most enviable potentials for a sustainable economic growth. When harnessed, I believe, its economic viabilities will also improve the human content of our society and build confidence in political leadership. On the scale of preference, people/community driven economic packages should be incorporated into the budget making process for the entire state. This goes on with the need for projects monitoring and evaluation for accountability. It also will give the scrutiny agencies the opportunity to be more preventive and preemptive in combating financial crimes that empties the government treasury. Deliberate attempts must be made to crop a sense of belonging and mutuality good enough to bring the peoples of our state together. Cultural performances/festivals and orientation messages should be used as tools of socio-political unity and cohesion among the people. There is no doubt that the growing population of our youth is becoming phenomenal and dangerous. Soon the teeming youth if not properly schooled for tentative development or developed on positive terms, the state will be out of control following the adage the an idle mind is the devil’s workshop. Bring back the sports as an endowment that has commercial benefits for the youths. That can be done while they keep strong. It will be a profitable venture to mobilize well meaning individuals and NGOs for community development particularly in gainful projects for job creation and other commercial ventures. Above all, education no matter how conceived is still the most remarkable means of taming the wild and ignorant mind. To it I suggest in the words of John Milton… ’Give me the liberty to know and talk freely above all liberties’. When we invest in education at all levels, we would have gone through half of the worst destructive monster of human degradation_ IGNORANCE. Finally, let me find a reason to end this paper with the aspirations of a professor of Geography who wanted to test his son’s knowledge of the earth. In doing that, the professor tore the map of the world and asked the young man whose interest is in arts to fix the jigsaw puzzle. Unknown to the professor on the back of the jigsaw puzzle is a picture of a man the son fixed severally on different occasions. The task was to fix the world and the young man fixed the man and the puzzle was solved. This should be the flip side the governments should turn to_ the man, the human community and the people. Unless this side is considered, our democracy will continue to be meaningless and purposeless. Democracy cannot be without the people and development must be measured on the scale human achievement. References Achebe, C (2012) There Was A Country: A Personal History of Biafra. London: Penguin Books. Akinfeleye, R (1995) Nigerian Mass Media and National Crises. Lagos: Nigerian Press Council. Ayittey, G (2007) Cheeters and Hippos/video on TED.COM.www…ted /…/George_ayittey_on_cheeters-vs-hippos… Clinton, B (2000) Address to Joint Assembly, House of Representatives Chamber, National Assembly Building Abuja, Nigeria. Dilli, A.S (2010) Promoting Youth Empowerment for Sustainable Development. Lagos: Rehoboth Publishing.
Posted on: Sat, 02 Nov 2013 21:31:30 +0000