Bendara SDP chantik, tapi kapal nya bocor. Mesti tukar ketua nya ADDRESSING THE CONCERNS OF THE MALAY COMMUNITY SINGAPORE DEMOCRATIC PARTY Introduction The rich heritage of Singapore has always been our mix of the various Asian ethnic backgrounds, including early immigrants from China, India, the rest of Asia and Europe. But the earliest recorded inhabitants of the Singapore island can be traced back to the 11 th century Parameswara reign where the Nusantara people were indigenous to Southeast Asia. Following the arrival of the British Empire, the number of immigrants grew rapidly, with the Chinese be- coming the main ethnic group. With time, this segment of the population dominated commerce and, following World War II and the ejection of the colonial administra- tion, also established itself as the main player in modern Singapores political life. In 1963, Singapore became a com- ponent state of the Federation of Malaysia. Two years later, we left the Federation under acrimonious and unclear circumstances when the Malaysian government, led by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), felt it was in Malaysias best interests that Singapore remained separate. The Peoples Action Party (PAP), which was governing Singapore then, seemed to agree. The reason for the split was portrayed by the PAP to be due to its stance on the concept of a Malaysian Malaysia. The PAP had wanted to discard UMNO’s bumiputra policy which it saw as discriminating against non-Malays ( although it had no problems with the same policy in 1963 when it campaigned wholeheartedly for merger of Singapore with the Federation) . The heady mix of race-based politics in Malaysia also meant that Singapore found itself embroiled in some of the ethnic conflicts that engulfed the region. Following the race riots between the Malay and Chinese communities in 1964, the division between, or at least the policies that separated, the two ethnic groups became more pronounced even though the majority of the ordinary people in the two groups continued to live peaceably together. To quell the disturbance, the government severely proscribed discussion of race and religion in Singapore. In addition, policies regarding National Service (NS), public housing, education, welfare assistance, religion, etc. were introduced that sought to address ethnically related issues vis- à -vis internal and national security. These policies have been seen by many in the Malay community as discriminatory and working against the groups interests. 4 A Singapore For All Singaporeans In the late 1990s, the Singapore Government embarked on a policy to increase the Singaporean population by allowing the mass immigration of foreigners. The reasons for this have never been satisfactorily explained and raised alarm among the locals. One of the issues that society raised was that the Singaporean identity, of which the Malay community is an integral part, is being diluted. The intermix of the main subcultures through the decades in Singapore has produced a unique national culture and way of life that Singaporeans have identified with. The infusion of such large numbers of new immigrants in such a fast pace has unsettled Singaporeans who have raised the important issue of the erosion of the Singaporean identity which, as mentioned, is made up of a unique mix of the Chinese, Malay, Indian, Eurasian and other subcultures. In particular, Malays in Singapore are concerned that while ethnic Chinese and Indian groups are growing, the Malay sub-population has shrunk from 15 percent in the 1970s to 13.5 percent presently. Not only are more non-Malay immigrants settling in Singapore, the number of Singaporean Malays emigrating overseas is increasing. In 2009, the Malay-language newspaper Berita Harian reported that Malay migration to Australia was on the rise. An immigration consultant in Singapore said that 30 percent of his clients are Malays, a number which is disproportionately higher that the overall 13.5 percent of Malays in Singapore. 1 Some have attributed such an increased emigration rate to the continued paucity of employment opportunities for Malay families. 2 The governments response In August 2012, the SDP called for such issues to be addressed and organised a public forum titled The future of Singapore—do Malays have a part? (see here ) to highlight the concerns of the Malay community and draw up proposals that would help to resolve some of the problems that Malays in Singapore faced. Several days later the Minister in- charge of Muslim Affairs, Dr Yaacob Ibrahim, announced the setting up of an “independent, non-partisan committee” whose task was to gather feedback from the Malay-Muslim community on their concerns and aspirations as well as to make recommendations to address the matters raised. The findings of the committee was published in July 2013 in a report titled Suara Musyawarah (voices of discussion and ideas) . 3 In terms of scope and depth, the report is commendable. It identifies issues which have been raised previously and repeatedly by the Malay community in Singapore. These problems were also discussed in the 1 More Malays move to Australia , The New Paper, 4 November 2009, a1preview.asia1.sg:90/vgn-ext- templating/v/index.jsp? vgnextoid=b1d404cd988b4210VgnVCM100000430a0a0aRCRD&vgnextchannel=f6dbadbd2b722110VgnVCM10000 0bd0a0a0aRCRD&vgnextfmt=print 2 Cited in Transitioning.org, Malay engineer works in Australia due to racial discrimination in Singapore , 2 December 2010, transitioning.org/2011/05/03/malay-engineer-works-in-australia-due-to-race-bias-discrimination-in- singapore/#sthash.CbkMHXTw.dpuf 3 Suara Musyawarah: Conversations with the Community, July 2013, Suara Musyawarah Committee. 5 A Singapore For All Singaporeans public forum organised by the SDP. The recommendations put forth by the Suara Musyawarah committee, however, lack specificity. For example, the report acknowledges the unhappi- ness of the community when it comes to Malays being unable to serve in the SAF. As a recommen- dation, however, the commit-tee only hoped that such a policy “could be conti-nually reviewed, so that the Malay/Muslim community is viewed in the same light as any other community and would have no reason to feel that their loyalty is questioned.” There seemed to be a reluctance to clearly state that discrimination in the SAF should not be condoned and that concrete steps be taken to ensure that equal opportunity exists in the Ministry of Defences recruitment policy. Many of Suara Musyawarahs recommendations are also piecemeal designed to plug holes without tack- ling the root cause of the problems. For example, the report cited that low-income families could not even afford the transport cost of sending their children to mosque-run programmes. It then recommends volun- teer asatizahs ( religious tutors ) to teach groups of these children in their homes. Such a suggestion, while commendable, fails to address the fundamental question of why families in Singapore earn such low incomes that they cannot even afford transport costs to send their children for educational programmes. The myth of meritocracy Malays in Singapore lag behind the other ethnic groups when it comes to household income. One- fifth of Malay households in Singapore live on less than $1,500 per month. Nine percent of the community live in one- or two-room flats, with an emerging and increasing trend towards homelessness. 4 These evident signs of economic disenfranchisement begs the question: why has the Malay community not moved in tandem with the rest of the Singaporean population? The answer can be found in a critical examination of the concept of ‘meritocracy’ which has been adopted by Singapore as one of its official guiding principles for public policy formulation and promotion of talent, placing emphasis on academic credentials as objective measures of merit. Meritocracy may be effective in a developing society that is generally poor and where opportunities are abundant and academic achievement can be a surrogate marker of drive, determination and talent . As 4 A Malay Underclass: An Exploration of a Uniquely Singaporean Issue , 201 2, Maryam Mohamed Mokhtar, Mavis Ang I-Wen.; Noor Ashikin Abdul Rahman.; Amellia Abdul Razak, Nanyang Technological University. 6 A Singapore For All Singaporeans economic development takes place and an upper class emerges, however, political influence and patronage of the elite work to entrench its position and interests. This works against equal opportunity and the departs from the fidelity of the concept of meritocracy. The Singaporean society has become increasingly stratified with an elite class being created from a narrow segment of the population. The privileges of the rich in Singapore give it an unfair advantage over others and makes socioeconomic mobility difficult. To be sure, there are cases of individuals from poor family backgrounds who make it good but these are the rare exceptions. Such cases are, however, used by the entrenched elite to justify the status quo and highlight the fact that equal opportunity exists for everyone when, in fact, there is a significant problem of systemic bias against the lower classes. Even more troubling is the tendency of our government to project meritocracy along racial and ethnic lines, when certain groups such as the Malays are stereotyped as less hardworking and capable. Genuine meritocracy is a laudable concept if properly practised. However, selective meritocracy robs society of vitality and our economy of potential talent. Malay families find themselves at starting points far behind the rest of Singaporean society. Even those that rise above the odds and achieve success in their fields suffer from a lingering fear that the playing field is still not level for them or for their children. The view towards Malays Singaporeans are a tolerant people. In recent years, however, there have been a spate of instances where racially offensive remarks were posted on the Internet. In 2005, three bloggers were charged under the Sedition Act for posting inflammatory comments attacking Malay Muslims. 5 In 2008, a Chinese male was arrested for posting derogatory remarks about a man who was apparently unkempt and riding public transport. The bloggers comments had attacked the mans Malay ethnicity. 6 In 2012, assistant director of the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC), Amy Cheong, was sacked by her employer after she wrote remarks on her Facebook disparaging Malays about their low-cost weddings at void-decks and their high divorce rate. She received a warning from the police. 7 Even members of the PAP were making racist comments about Singaporean Malays. In 2011, Jason Neo, a member of Young PAP, posted a photograph of a school bus with Malay children dressed in their traditional Malay head-wear. He captioned the picture with Bus filled with young terrorist trainees? 8 Neo resigned from the party. Even though quick and stern action were taken against the culprits, the problem may be more deep-seated and complex than at first glance. Government ministers who make laws to maintain religious and racial harmony have themselves demonstrated a lack of sensitivity and understanding towards the feelings of the Malay-Muslim community in Singapore. George Yeo, when he was minister for foreign affairs, was asked why the Government banned the book Satanic Verses and not The Last Temptation of Christ and he said that this was because Christians are less likely to riot. 9 Lee Kuan Yew has often commented on the Malay-Muslim community in disparaging ways. In 2010, he said in an interview: Well, we make them say the national pledge and sing the national anthem but suppose we have a famine, will your Malay neighbour give you 5 Third Singapore racist blogger pleads guilty to sedition , AFP, 26 October 2005. 6 Blogger arrested for posting racist online content , The New Paper, 21 May 2008. 7 Racist rant: Amy Cheong gets stern warning from police , Straits Times, 25 May 2013. 8 PAP Youth member quits over racist online posting, 18 November 2011, Asiaone, htt p://news.asiaone/News/AsiaOne+News/Singapore/Story/A1Story20111118- 311261.html#sthash.m3mUha7f.dpuf 9 Maintaining harmony here a daily struggle , Straits Times, 16 March 2011. 7 A Singapore For All Singaporeans the last few grains of rice or will she share it with her family or fellow Muslim or vice versa? 10 More recently, in January 2011, he said in his book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going: I would say today, we can integrate all religions and races except Islam. I think we were progressing very nicely until the surge of Islam came and if you asked me for my observations, the other communities have easier integration—friends, intermarriages and so on... 11 This prompted the Association of Muslim Professionals (AMP) to issue this statement: [The AMP] deeply regrets certain comments made by Minister Mentor (MM) Mr Lee Kuan Yew in his book Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going ... We do not agree with MMs views. In our view, MM’s comments have hurt the community and are potentially divisive... Fundamentally, there is nothing wrong for any community in Singapore in being distinct, for it to carry out its religious practices, or in asserting its identity. Islam enjoins Muslims to integrate within the broader Singapore community. It is not mutually exclusive for a good Muslim to be a good Singaporean... MMs comments, which had purported to touch on integration, could be potentially divisive... Apart from the issue of the practice of Islam, MM had also commented that the Malay/Muslim community will never catch up with other communities in Singapore. Again, this is regrettable. To state this in print is effectively condemning the MMC (Malay-Muslim community) as a lagging and marginalised community, even in the longer term. 12 Lees statements are not mere musings. National policies have been based on such an outlook. Recruitment of army personnel have discriminated against Malay Singaporeans (see below). National or communal problem? Although the concerns of Malay Singaporeans merit attention, there is little national discussion on them. It seems that the Governments approach is to isolate the subject within the Malay community. The wider public is not encouraged or given the opportunity to get involved with the issues. This is, at best, a short-sighted approach; the less the subject is discussed at the national level, the less the other ethnic groups will understand the issues that Malay Singaporeans face. The pro- blems should not just be a concern of the Malays but of the whole Singaporean community. This paper is thus aimed at not just Malay-Muslims but also other ethnic groups in Singapore. Some of the proposals made in this paper, such as enacting a minimum wage law or introducing a universal healthcare system, are not targeted specifically at Malays but would nevertheless impact the community in a substantial way. Other proposals are drawn up to address problems that are unique to Malay-Muslims in Singapore such as ensuring that the Ministry of Defence discontinues its discriminative recruitment policy. The primary objective of this paper is to build a national com- munity that is inclusive and embraces Singapore’s multi-racial and multi-religious composition not just in word but also, and more importantly, in practice. In seeking to redress problematic policies, we are guided by the principle to do no harm and to benefit all. Policy-making is more than just enacting laws that regulate behaviour. It must help to develop a 10 Transcript of Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yews interview with Mark Jacobson from National Geographic on 6 July 2009, news.gov.sg/public/sgpc/en/media_releases/agencies/pmo/transcript/T-20091228-1.html 11 Cited in Lee Kuan Yew urges Muslims to be less strict , AFP, Jan 23, 2011, google/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hmM9iHjTTGwAC-MZv19__oNqX3zw? docId=CNG.4f8b988b9ebd1a5c9a9eba1574013bc8.b81 12 Media statement: AMP responds to comments by Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew in Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going , 27 January 2011. 8 A Singapore For All Singaporeans people who imbibe a strong sense of nationhood and belonging to their country. Loyalty and patriotism must go beyond singing the national anthem and reciting the pledge. It must entail that intangible factor which binds a citizen to the sights and sounds of her homeland, and keeps alive the dreams and aspirations of his home. Absent such an emotional bond and we will succeed only in building skyscrapers, not a nation. The SDPs alternative proposals seek equality for the Malay community even as we reject the attempt to dilute the Singapore identity by mass importation of foreigners. We, therefore, encourage a discussion of the issues at the national level. 9 A Singapore For All Singaporeans A SINGAPORE FOR ALL SINGAPOREANS: ADDRESSING THE CONCERNS OF THE MALAY COMMUNITY SINGAPORE DEMOCRATIC PARTY Problems and Issues In 1962, then-prime minister Lee Kwan Yew addressed a gathering of the Malay community in Singapore in which he spelt out three areas where the community was lagging behind: employ- ment, education, and housing. Unfortunately, after more than 50 years Singaporean Malays are still lagging behind in these and other areas. In addition, Singaporean Malays are also dis- advantaged when it comes to military service and welfare assistance. Although the community recognises that there are many areas in which it can and must initiate more self-help measures, there are continued and institutionalised policies that make it difficult for self-improvement. If we are to progress as a nation, whose fruits of success benefit all strata of society, the Government must abandon discriminatory practices and institute practical and realistic measures that would facilitate the upward progress of our Malays citizens, starting with the measures highlighted below. 1. Economic concerns The challenges that Malays in Singapore continue to face are underscored by the vast income disparity between them and the other main communities in Singapore. Between 1990 and 2000, the rate of household income growth among the Malays was the lowest. In 2010, the median monthly income for Indian and Chinese households was $5,370 and $5,100 respectively—the median monthly income for Malay households, on the other hand, was $3,844 13 which was 25 percent below the national average of $5,000 (see Figure 1, next page). The Suara Musyawarah report on the economic status of Singaporean Malays observes that low-income families appear to be trapped in a vicious cycle. This exacerbates the community’s achievement gaps, particularly in education and income levels. 14 As Singapore continues to prosper, many in the Malay community are finding themselves in the unenviable position of being in the most disadvantaged section of the population. Under re- presentation in education and the economy is a significant problem. The bulk of Malay businesses—up to 70 percent—is in the service sector, serving the local market. 15 From informal observation these enterprises seem to be concentrated in the food & catering, property agencies and housing renovation sectors. 13 Singapore Department of Statistics. singstat.gov.sg/publications/publications_and_papers/cop2010/census_2010_release2/findings.pdf 14 Suara Musyawarah: Conversations with the Community , accessed July 10, 2013, suaramusyawarah/s/Suara_Musyawarah_Report_English_8_July_2013-407r.pdf , p. 23. 15 Teo Ser Luck, speech given at the Singapore Malay Chamber of Commerce & Industry, 7 May 2013. 10 A Singapore For All Singaporeans 1.1 Income inequality Income inequality does not affect the ethnic groups uniformly. As mentioned, the Malay community in Singapore receives the brunt. Financial deprivation from such inequality exacts a burden on familial relationships which further erode the emotional and physical make-up of its members. Children growing up in such households are often the victims and they become easy-pickings for gangs. Wealth inequality also limits the educational progress of those in the lower-income groups. Right from the beginning, children who are unable to afford expensive elite pre-school education are perceived to have fewer chances to do well in early streaming examinations which can determine their future educational trajectories. Upon graduation, employment opportunities are much more limited for students from poorer families and the types of jobs are almost always the lower-paid ones. This vicious cycle puts those already at a disadvantage further down the totem pole. Family background is a major determinant in an individuals educational attainment especially in our current educational system which is highly affected by the expensive parallel tuition industry. Academic failure and school drop-out rates rise dramatically among needy families. This creates a culture of poverty which often lends itself to criminal behaviour. Offences such as drug abuse, borrowing from loan-sharks, inability to pay fines, etc arise from poverty. It should come as no surprise that unequal societies have higher prison rates. Singapore, with its high inequality, has one of the highest numbers of prisoners per capita. 16 In 2010, Malays formed nearly half of those arrested for drug abuse (see Figure 2, next page). 16 Wilkinson, Richard and Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why equality is better for everyone , 2009, Penguin. 11 Figure 1 A Singapore For All Singaporeans Wide income inequality also leads to greater household debt as families struggle to stay financially afloat. According to the Association for Muslim Professionals (AMP) Debt Advisory Centre (DAC), Malays had a serious problem with debt. In the months after its launch in 1 April 2013, the DAC has already attended to 42 clients with debts totalling $1,130,748 owed to banks and moneylenders, both legal and illegal. 17 While it is important for individuals to observe financial responsibility and live within ones means, it is also a fact that many individuals go into debt because of financial hardship. Low wages in a high- cost economy contribute to the debt problem in the Malay community. Taken together, these factors militate against the building of a cohesive society. Wealth dis - parity increases the social distances between sub-populations. It divides people by in - creasing the social distances between them. 1.2 Healthcare Socioeconomic status also affects healthcare. Lower income groups are more likely to show greater levels of medical problems. This could be due to a range of factors such as the lack of financial resources to maintain healthy dietary habits or having to work long hours resulting in lack of time for recreation and exercise. Lack of information and health education has also impacted adversely on the Malay community. The obesity, hypertension and cholesterol levels among Malays is higher than for the other ethnic groups. In addition, younger Malay females (between 18 to 29) smoked the most (15.6 percent) compared to Chinese (5.4 percent) and Indian (7.4 percent) females in the same age group. Also, Malays exercised the least regularly compared to Chinese and Indians (see Figure 3, next page). 18 17 Cited in Response to Suara Musyawarah Report by the Research on Islamic and Malay Affairs . 18 National Health Survey 2010 , Ministry of Health, moh.gov.sg/content/dam/moh_web/Publications/Reports/2011/NHS2010%20-%20low%20res.pdf 12 Figure 2 A Singapore For All Singaporeans Clearly, there is a need for health education among Singaporean Malays. But there is also a need in terms of helping the community seek medical care. Data from National University of Singapore (NUS) showed higher rates of avoidable hospitalisation in Malays and Indi - ans 19 and worse outcomes in heart disease 20 compared with Singaporean Chinese and In - dians. The problems are compounded by the high medical cost in Singapore. The total health expenditure of Singapore is $12 billion in year 2011, whereas the Governments health expenditure was only $3.5 billion in the same year. 21 The present system consists of 3Ms: Medisave for hospitalisation, Medishield for catastrophic illness, and Medifund as a safety net. But the reality is that the 3Ms are only a small part in financing Singapores healthcare financing: • Medisave: $761 million • Medifund: $84 million • Medishield $386 million Deductibles and co-payments are significant and there are limitations. For example, the 3Ms are primarily for inpatient care, Medifund has severe limitations, and Medishield has many exclusions and high premiums. While public expenditure is low, out-of-pocket spending for healthcare in Singapore is very high. In fact, Singapore has highest out-of- pocket healthcare expenditure in East Asia. This would disproportionately affect the community with the lowest household incomes. One effect of such high costs is that people avoid recommended screenings and 19 Niti, M, and Ng T P, Avoidable hospitalisation rates in Singapore, 1991–1998: assessing trends and inequities of quality in primary care , Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 2003; 57:17-22, jech.bmj/content/57/1/17.long 20 Niti, M, and Ng T P, Trends and ethnic differences in hospital admissions and mortality for congestive heart failure in the elderly in Singapore, 1991 to 1998 , Heart. 2003 August; 89(8): 865–870, ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1767764/ 21 The SDP National Healthcare Plan , 9 March 2012 Singapore Democratic Party. 13 Figure 3 A Singapore For All Singaporeans treatment. When patients put off prevention and early detection of illnesses, the cost of treatment is magnified when they finally succumb to their medical problems and are hospitalised. Singapore public hospitals have $110 million in outstanding patient debts as of end 2011. 22 Without a universal and affordable system that ensures that all individuals have access to quality treatment, the Malay community is placed at greater risk because of the economic position the group occupies in society. 1.3 SDPs Alternative Policies 1.3.1 Legislate minimum wage . To reduce income inequality and ensure a just and living wage for low-income workers, it is essential to introduce minimum wage (the lowest level of wages an employer may legally pay an employee) legislation. This is an im - portant policy tool that balances the needs of an economy with the need of lowering income inequality so that economic growth occurs in a sustainable manner. While the benefits of such legislation will be discussed in detail in our forthcoming paper on the economic system, it is recognised that a minimum wage policy has several eco - nomic and social benefits: • Increases the spending power of low-income Malay workers, • Reduces poverty and alienation of the Malay community, • Reduces stress on family relationships, • Decreases dependence on welfare programs, • Allows prosperity to be shared by all. 1.3.2 Introduce retrenchment benefits . Presently when a worker gets retrenched, he or she is left out in the cold with no financial protection. There is no legal entitlement to retrenchment benefits in Singapore unless they are expressly provided for in ones employment contract. Through no fault of theirs, retrenched workers suddenly find themselves in uncertainty and hardship. This causes severe strain on the entire family with serious social repercussions. Although lay-offs affect workers across the board, Malay workers are most severely impacted because a high percentage of these workers occupy the lower-income jobs that tend to be the most vulnerable when businesses down-size. The SDP proposes that retrenched workers not covered by their employers be paid 75 percent of their salary for the first six months. This amount would be reduced to 50 percent during the following six months, and further reduced to 25 percent in the third six months. The payments will stop once the individual is re-employed. They would cease 18 months after retrenchment if the individual is still not employed by then. This will prevent a culture of welfare dependence from taking root. A cap will also be placed on the amount that any retrenched worker is paid. Furthermore, under this proposal, each worker will be allowed to reject only up to three reasonable job offers in the one-and-a-half years of the entitlement pro- gramme following which, as stated, the retrenchment benefit ceases. Such a scheme will provide workers a cushion when they are retrenched while at the same time encourage them to seek reemployment. 22 Sporeans owe public hospitals $40m in unpaid bills , Asiaone, 29 February 2012, yourhealth.asiaone/content/sporeans-owe-public-hospitals-40mil-unpaid-bills#sthash.xaJK1baN.dpuf 14 A Singapore For All Singaporeans Retrenchment payments should not be seen as added costs to taxpayers/employers but rather as an investment in our workers. Such a scheme can be funded by a combination of revenue streams from the state, employers and employed workers. Details of the scheme will be discussed in the SDPs economics paper that will be published in the near future. 1.3.3 Mandate universal healthcare . Healthcare is a basic right as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other similar covenants. It is not a com- modity, and market forces have no part to play in the financing or delivery of basic healthcare to Singaporeans. This was historically the case in Singapore. The avail- ability of low-cost, affordable, quality healthcare in the 1950s, ‘60s and ‘70s was one reason for Singapore’s rapid progress into the ranks of developed nations. Today, healthcare has been commodified with the well-off being able to acquire better healthcare. This puts the Malay community at a disadvantage as many in the community belong in the lower-income brackets. To remedy this problem, the SDP proposes the following: • a single-payer system by estab- lishing the National Health Inve- stment Fund (NHIF) where the government and the people co- ntribute into, • compulsory individual contribut- ions to the NHIF to be taken from ones CPF. The amount will average $427 per year per person (or $40 a month) dep- ending on ones level of income (this is fraction of what one currently pays into Medisave), • that the payment covers basic health, accident and pregnancy, • co-payment with cap—to emph- asise personal responsibility a- nd reduce abuse, that is, hospi- talised patients pay 10 percent of medical bill and NHIF pays the remainder with the patients portion capped at $2,000 in any one year, • issuing a Healthcare Benefits Smart Card upon payment of the annual contribution in the NHIF which entitles hol
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