Formation of cases; case -affixes. §. 16. Properly speaking there is no longer a declension in Sindhi, nor in any of the modern languages of the Arian stock; there are only a few remnants of the an- cient Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit case-inflexions, all the other cases being made up by means of case -affixes or postpositions.^). If we compare the modern Arian dialects with the Pali and Prakrit, we perceive at once the great de- terioration, the modern idioms have undergone in this respect; for while the Pali and Prakrit have as yet pre- served all the cases of the Sanskrit, with the exception of the Dative, which has already become scarce in Pali and has been discarded altogether in Prakrit, its functions being shifted to the Genitive, tke modern idioms have lost nearly all power of inflexion and substituted in lieu of flexional increments regular adverbs, w^hich we ge- nerally term postpositions. The same process we can notice in the modern Eomanic tongues, where after the loss of the Latin declensional inflexions, prepositions have been substituted to make up for the lost cases. 1) lu poetry postpositions may also be placed before the noun, they govern, as the rhythm may require. 112 SECTION II. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. The great distinctive feature of the declensional process of the modern Arian dialects , with the exception of the Bangali, consists in the fact, that there are pro- perly only two cases of a noun, the absolute or crude form, corresponding throughout to the I^om. Sin- gular, and the Formative case, to which the various adverbs or postpositions are added, which serve to make up for the lost case-terminations. This latter case has been generally called the oblique case by European grammarians, but we prefer to call it the Formative (after the precedence of Dr. Caldwell). The number of declensions, if they may be termed thus, depends therefore in Sindhi, as well as in the cognate idioms, on the various methods, in which the Formative is made up; for the case-signs remain the same, as well for the Singular as the Plural, since they are, as we shall presently see, originally either (Sanskrit) prepositions or adverbs. We shall now first investigate the remnants of the ancient case - terminations in Sindhi and the adverbs or postpositions, which have been substituted for such cases, as have lost their original inflexions. In the arrangement of the cases we shall follow the common order, which has been instituted by the old Sanskrit grammarians, in order to facilitate the intercomparison. 1) The N^ominative case of the Singular and plural we may pass over, since they have been noticed already. 2) The Accusative case of the Singular and Plural has been dropped in Sindhi, as well as in all the other kindred idioms. This has been already the case in the inferior Prakrit dialects, and is expressly mentioned of the Apabhransa, the mother of the modern Sindhi (see: Lassen p. 459). We must keep this fact constantly before our eyes, that in Sindhi, as well as in its sister-tongues, there is no such thing (in a grammatical sense), as an Accusative SECTION n. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. 113 case, the Accusative being now throughout identical with the Nominative. If we find therefore generally stated in European grammars, that the postposition ^5^ khe, or j5 ko in Hindustani serves to denote also the Accusative case, we have, in the strictly grammatical sense of the word, to repudiate such an idea. Whe shall see under the Dative case, what the origin of that postposition is, and that will satisfactorily explain the syntactical pecuHarities of the modern Indian tongues, which use such and similar postpositions, where we use either the Dative or the Accusative. 3) The Inst rumen talis is not distinguished by any case-affix or postposition in Sindhi, but differs from the I^ominative Sing, only by the change of the final vowel (where such a change is admissible). The In- strumentalis is in the Singular and Plural identical with the Formative (which see further on). From thence it would follow, that the Instrumentalis is originally the Genitive, which may be rendered very probable by the Instrumentahs of the Plural. Annotation. The Hindi and Hindustani use as Instru- mental case- affix ne. In Hindu! (see Garcin de Tassy, Eu- diments de la langue Hindoui, 26, 99) we meet further the affixes ne, ne, ni and na, and in the Plural (a)n or ne, n#, ni, as in the Singular. In Panjabi we find the instrumental affix nai, or na, or only i, or the Formative is promiscuously used for the Instrumentalis, just as in Sindhi. In Gujarati we meet with e as Instrumental affix. The Marathi uses for the Instrumentalis Sing, the affix ne, and for the Plural nl. As to the origin of these various instrumental affixes there can hardly be a doubt. The Sansk. instrumental case -inflexion of the Sin- gular na, na (see Bopp , Comp. Gram. I, §. 158) has been used as a separate adverb in Hindustani and Panjabi (not in Marathi, where it coalesces with the noun as a regular inflexion), or even been abbreviated to T or e (n being originally only a euphonic addition to the instrumental affix a), as partlv in Pan- jabi and in Gujarati. In the Instrumentalis Plur. the Marathi uses also (besides nl) the affix hi, corresponding to the Prak. Plur. instrumental affix j^ or f^; see Lassen, p. 310. In Ban- Trumpp, SindM-G-rammar. H 114 SECTION II. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. gall te is used as instrumental affix, which is originally iden- tical with the Ablative affix flfj = ff^, 4) The Dative case has totally disappeared from the Prakrit and its functions have been assigned to the Geni- tive. We find therefore in the modern idioms the greatest discrepancy as to the method , in which the Dative case is provided for. In Sindhi the affix ^ khe is used, as well for the Singular as the Plural, being placed after the Formative Singular or Plural of a noun: as ^^f l^f ghara khe, to a house, ^^ ^i^ gharane khe, to houses. In poetical language the postposition ^ kane or: ^ kane is also used instead of ^^f khe, which are ap- parently derived from the same source, as ^5^, only by a different process of assimilation (cf. the Hindi: kan, kane, Hindu! ^i|). Annotation. The Bangali uses as Dative affix ke, the Hindi and Hindustani ko (dialectically also pronounced ^ku in the Dekhan), the Hindu! (according to Garcin de Tassy) also k^, kaij, kah, kah, kaha and even hi. Dr. Caldwell, in his Comparative Grammar of the Drandian languages has attempted to vindicate the Hindustani ko for the Dravidian languages of the South; he says (p. 225): In the vernaculars of northern India, which are deeply tinged with Scythian characteristics, we find a suffix, which appears to be not only similar to the Dravidian, but the same. The Dative- Accusative in the Hindi and Hindustani is ko, or colloquially ku; in the language of Orissa ku, in Bangali ki, in SindhT khi, in Shingalese ghai; in the Uraon, a semi -Dravidian Kole dialect, gai^ in the language of the Bodos, a Bhutan hill tribe, kho, in Tibetan gya. The evident existence of a con- nexion between these suffixes and the Dravidian Dative case-sign ku, is very remarkable. Of all the analogies between the North -Indian dialects and the south eTn, this is the clearest and most important, and it cannot but be regarded as be- tokening either an original connexion between the northern and the southern races, prior to the Brahmanic irruption, or the ori- gination of both races from one and the same primitive Scythian SECTION IL THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. 115 stock. If this case -sign ko or ku then be the clearest and most important analogy between the North-Indian vernaculars and the Dra vidian tongues, we shall see presently, that there will be no analogy whatever between them, though at the first sight the identity of both seems to be past any doubt. In the first instance the fact speaks already very strongly against such a supposition, that the Marathi, which is the closest neighbour to the Dra vidian tongues, has repudiated the use of khe, ke or ko, and employed a Dative -affix, the origin of which we hope to fix past controversy. We shall further see, that the Gujarati and Panjabi have also made up for the Dative case by postpositions, borrowed from the Sanskrit, without the slightest reference to the Dravidian languages, and we may therefore reasonably expect the same fact from the remaining Arian dia- lects. It would certainly be wonderful, if those Arian dialects, which border immediately on the Dravidian idioms, should have warded off any Dravidian influence on their inflexional method, whereas those more to the north should have been deeply tinged with Scythian characteristics. Fortunately we are able to show, that such an assumption is not only gratuitous, but irreconcilable with the origin of the above mentioned Dative-affixes. We derive the Sindhi khe, the Bangali ke, from the Sanskrit Locative cfiff, for the sake of, on account of, as regards. This will at once account for the aspiration of k in Sindhi; for this is not done by chance, but by a strict rule (see In trod. §. J, e, note); in Bangali r does not exercise such an influence on the aspiration of a preceding or following consonant, and therefore we have simply ke. The Sanskrit form cRff becomes in Prakrit first f^W, then (by the regular elision of t) f^IX, and contracted ke, and in Sindhi, by reason of the elided r, khe. The Hindi and Hindustani form of this adverb ko we derive in the same way from the Sansk. cpff which is used adverbially with the same signification as the Locative ^fT, In Prakrit already, and still more so in the modern dialects, the neuter has been merged into the masculine; we have therefore first f^iTt, thence THR^^, and contracted ^, ko. We can thus satisfactorily account for the various forms: khe, ke or ko. ,That the proposed derivation of these adverbs does not rest on a mere fancy, is further proved by the Sindhi particle re, without, which is derived in the same way from the Sansk. Locative ^n, Prakrit Kn ^ ftlj? a^d thence contracted H2 116 SECTION II. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. re (ria). It remains now for us to notice briefly the somewhat deviating forms of the Hindui, as exhibited by Garcin de Tassy. In ^t ^^ ^^^^ ^T kail a euphonic Anusvara has been added, to which the modern tongues have taken a great fancy; kavi is only a different pronunciation for k^, o changing in Hindui very commonly to au. The forms ^^ kah, or with euphonic Anusvara ^^ kah or oR^ kaha, present again another proof for the correctness of the proposed derivation of these adverbs. For we have in cR^^ da, being identical with it in origin. The Gujarat! employs as Genitive case-affix no, which is another adjective affix, corresponding in signification with cfi and used in Sindh! (see §. 10, 27), to form adjectives in the same way, as ko (on the origin of this affix no see Bopps Comp. Gram. HI, §. 839). 7) The original Sanskrit Locative termination i has been preserved in Sindhi, though the Locative can now only be distinguished in masc. bases ending in u, as: ^jJ^ handhe, in a place, nom. jad^kh handhu; ^^a^ mathe, on the top, nom. „.^ mathu, the top. In nouns, ending in any other vowel, but u (masc), the Locative must be expressed, for perspicuitys sake, by an adverb or postposition , requiring the Formative of a noun , as : ^j^ (54^^^ kothia me or: .-^^^ is^}^ k5thia manjhe, in a room. In poetry the Formative of any. noun is commonly u.sed also as Locative, without a postposition. Annotation. In Marath! the Locative affix i has been leng- thened to ! and at the same time nasalized = 1. Besides this we meet also with the Locative termination ^J||T , which is originally the Sansk. Ablative, used as a Locative. In Ban- gah the Locative ends in e (i), as in Sindhi, or is expressed by the affix te. In Panjab! the Locative is generally ex- SECTION 11. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. 121 pressed by adverbial postpositions, though the Locative itself has not been altogether lost; we find there the affix f, as in MarathT, or e, which are always joined to the base of a noim. In Gujarat! the Locative is either expressed by the affix e, or by the help of postpositions. In Hindi and Hindustani the Locative, as a distinctive case, has been quite lost and must always be expressed by postpositions. Still some vestiges of it are lingering in the so-called participles ab- solute, as: bote, or with the emphatic hi, hotehi, in being. Some other idiomatic phrases, as: ,^i> (j^l us din, on that day etc. point also to an original Locative. 8) The Vocative is expressed in Sindhi by pre- iixing one of the interjectional particles: e, he, ho or ya, and, when speaking to an inferior, re (fern, ri) or are.^) The final vowel of a noun in the Vocative either underooes a chano;e or remains unaltered. In the Vocative Singular masc. nouns ending in u change the same to V, asi^L^Ajo ;^l e mehara, o buffalo-keeper! nom. >L^xj meharu; those ending in o change the same to a, as: iCx^Aw ^1 e stimira, o Sumiro! those ending in u, I, i remain unaltered, as: ^y-^^, (^t e Punhu, o Punhu! In the Vocative Plural nouns ending in u (m.) have the termination 5 or a, as: j.G ^f e yaro or: I^G yara, o friends! (nom. sing. sG); those ending in o terminate in the Vocative Plur. in a, o and au, as: \s^jJq ^^I e man- gata, o beggars! or: ^xxLo mangato, ^i^li mangatau (tiCi mangata-u), Nom. Sing. j.axLo mangato; those ending in u. (u) terminate in o or a, before which affixes the preceding u (u) most be shortened, as: L^lil^ (cl e va- tahua or i^s^ljU ^\ e vatahuo, o travellers! JSTom. Sing. yJ^LJ•|^ vatahti; those ending in i terminate in the Plural 1) About the origin of re, rl, are, see Dr. Caldwells Compar. Grammar of the Dra\ddian languages p. 440. 122 SECTION IL THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. in a, and au (a-u), shortening at the same time the final 1 of the base, as: L^v.1^ ;-y?5>-! porhyo (or porhio), labour. Form. ^^;j=j XDorhe. ^Kj^s rupayo, rupee. Format. (^,^y rtipae. 126 SECTION II. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. The Formative Plural ends either in a, e, the 1 termination of the Nomin. Plural (a) being dropped be- fore them, or in -ne, final a of the Worn. Plural being shortened to a before it; as: j.^jiykulho, the shoulder, Nom. Plur. l^ kulha, Form. Plur. ^L^JLT kulha, ^j..^,^ kulhe, or: ,j4-^ kulhane; j^^ ku5, rat, Nom. Plur. liy^ kua, Format. Plur. ^J^yS^ ktia, ^^^ kue, or: | ^y^ kuane. 3) The Formative of nouns ending in u (u). Nouns ending in u change the same in the For- mative Singular to ua, as: y^^^ vaghu, crocodile, Format, y^^^ vaghua. If final u be nasalized (= u), the Anusvara is commonly retained in the Formative, as: jj^§^^ vichu, scorpion. Format. ^J^g^^ vichua. The Formative Plural ends either in u-a, u-e, or u-ne, ua-ne, long u and u being shortened before the terminations of the Formative, as: ySHs rahu, a resident, Nom. plur. yo^ rahu, residents. Format. Plur. ,jfy»; ra- hua (or: jjl^^)? ^j-^^ rahue, ^5&J rahune, ^^J ra- huane; ,j^vf miru, a wild beast, ISTom. Plur. ^^^ miru, wild beast. Format. Plur. ^l21^ mirua, ,j«olo mirue, ^jlo mirune, ,j-5yo miruane. 4) The Formative of nouns ending in a (a). Nouns ending in a remain unaltered in the For- mative Sing., as, \Sf\, f , agya, command, Format. 11^ I agya; L^lj raja (m.), king. Format. LiC raja; in the Formative Plur. they end (according to the termination SECTION II. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. 127 of the Xomin. Plural: a-u) in u-ne, as: ^LITI agya- ime; also ^Lilj rajaune, masc. 5) The Formative of nouns ending in a. Nouns ending in a remain unchanged in the For- mative Sing., as: *1^ kama, a beam. Format. 1^ kama; in the Formative Plur. they terminate (according to their ISTom. Plural) either in a (e) or u-ne, as: ^Lcfe^ kama, ,j^l^ kame, ^1^ kamune. 6) The Formative of nouns ending in i (i), a) Masc. nouns ending in i change the same in the Formative Sing, to i-a, as: ^JLo malT, a gardener, Formative ^JL* malia. Those nouns, which have final 1 nasalized (=^ i), retain the Anus vara in the Formative, as: (j^vJ pri, friend. Format, ^^^j pria. The Formative Plural ends either in i-a (ya), i-e (ye), or in i-ne, ia-ne (yane), iu-ne (yune), as: ^lllLc malia, ^a^|U malie; ^JLo mahne, ^j^JLc mahane (^jjJL.«), ^j^U ma- liune (^^?Lc). h) Feminine nouns ending in i change the same likevrise in the Formative Sing, to i-a, as: ^jj topi, a hat. Format, ^jj topia; the Formative Plural also quite agrees with that of the masc. nouns, as: ^L^j^* topia, ^^^^jiJ topie, ^^,p t opine, ^J^Jo* topiane. ^^jo topiune. Such fem. nouns, as have dropped final i in the Nom. Plural (c£ §. 15, 6), drop the same also in the contracted form of the Formative Plur.. as: ^^^^ manji, a stool, Nom. Plur. ^y^^ manjii, Format. Plur. 128 SECTION II. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. ^Lixx) manja, j^A^sxi manje; but: ^j^m manjiane, ^J,^^Jo manjiune are also in use. Some other nouns also, in which final i is not preceded by a palatal, drop T in the con- tracted form of the Formative Plural, as: ..vja^kore, in scores, from {s;}^ kori, a score. 7) The Formative of nouns ending in T (e). ISTouns ending in T (fem. and masc.) remain un- altered in the Format. Sing., as: o^j, f , bhite, a wall, Format, v^.^ bhite; y^f kehare (m.), a lion, Format. y^f kehare. In the Formative Plural of fem. nouns the same terminations are employed as with fem. nouns ending in i, as: (jLa^j bhitia, ^j,.f^x^j bhitie, jj^a^j bhi- tine, ,j.aa4j bhitiane, ^^aX^j bhitiune. In the Formative Plural final T is frequently dropped altogether, especially in poetry, but only in the contracted form of the For- mative, as: ^aX§j bhate, in (different) ways, from o^^j bhate, habit, manner. The Formative Plural of masc. nouns ends in -ne, the contracted form a, e hardly ever being in use with them, as: ^Jy^^f^ keharine. &j^ joe, wife, which forms its Plural either regu- larly ^^^i>^ joyu, or irregularly: ^Sj.^^ joiru, j.5&j.^ jo- hiru, has in the Format. Plur. either ^Jj.^^ joyune or: ^y^}^ johirine. §. 18. We let now follow, for the sake of perspicuity, a survey of the Sindhi declensional process. As the Gle- nitive affix s^ jo is originally an adjective affix, by SECTION 11. THE INFLEXION OF NOUNS. 129 means of which the noun is turned into an adjective, dependent on the governing noun in gender, number and case, we premise the inflexion of ^^ which, ac- cording to its terminations jo and ji, is inflected after the manner of nouns ending in o and T (fern.). As stated already, j^ always requires the Formative of a noun, as all postpositions.
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