HERALD LETTERS PAGE BEING a regular visitor to Italy, having followed Italian politics for more than 30 years and having written regularly on the subject, I feel I am in a position to soothe Struan Stevensons fevered anxieties about the seething background of nationalism which he believes to be tearing Italy apart (Letters, July 9). I simply do not recognise his description as bearing any resemblance to the real situation in Italy under the new Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi, and am confident that there are no internal political factors which would lead them to impede an independent Scotlands accession to the EU. He identifies three independence movements, in Venice, in Sardinia and in a region he calls South Tyrol. Perhaps he would like to tell us about the strength of these movements in terms of elected representatives at every level? South Tyrol was ceded by Austria at the end of the Second World War, and is actually called Alto Adige in Italian. The region has fully devolved powers, and the German-leaning party won around 15% of the vote in the 2013 elections, the others going to the majority Italian parties. His statement that the Sardinian separatists proposed that the island should be sold to Switzerland is sufficient commentary on the seriousness of their politics. Would Mr Stevenson like to provide his estimate of their electoral support? Or would he like to join a party I am setting up to sell the Outer Hebrides to Poland? The Venetian poll was online, so its scientific accuracy can be questioned. How much credence would Mr Stevenson give to a comparable poll conducted by Yes Scotland? Critics of the Italian poll have pointed out that many votes were cast abroad, with residents in Santiago, Chile, seemingly feeling very strongly on the topic. It is true that the Liga Veneta and the wider Northern League have been vocal in recent years and have had candidates elected, but their strength has been waning, as was clear in the recent European elections. Does Mr Stevenson agree that such results are a more accurate gauge of public opinion than chatter in the corridors of Brussels? In any case, the demands of the Northern League have wavered between demands for devolution, federalism and independence, and the judgment of most commentators is that it is a busted flush now that Umberto Bossi is no longer active. I am confident that the assurance given by Italian ministers, who are about to assume the rotating chair inside the EU, that they will maintain a position of neutrality over the question of Scottish independence, should be trusted (Italy neutral on independence as it takes over EU presidency, The Herald, July 8). This standpoint, together with the statements made by Jean-Claude Juncker during his own campaign, suggest that there is a greater willingness in Europe to view any request of an independent Scotland for membership of the EU with greater objectivity than was the case with their predecessors. Italian politics is not for duffers, and I would modestly suggest to Mr Stevenson that he should avoid any attempt to enlist Italy for his politics of fear in the independence campaign. Professor Joseph Farrell, Emeritus Professor in Italian, University of Strathclyde, 16 Richmond Street, Glasgow. THE letter from former Conservative MEP Struan Stevenson highlights two areas of concern. First, it exposes the Tory Partys insincere attitude to devolution and independence. The party has been dragged screaming and kicking to where it is today. It opposed devolution from the outset. Ironically, the Tory Party in Scotland owes its continued existence to that devolution and the Scottish Parliaments system of proportional representation. In a very short period of time Ruth Davidsons no-more-powers line in the sand became the devolvement of income tax. Mr Stevenson and his party ignore the sometimes painful history of the UK when not engaging positively with the people. Secondly, it highlights a dilemma for the EU. Many of its members are states formed from much smaller entities. The UK and Spain are examples. The modern states of Belgium, Germany and Italy are much younger examples. The map of Europe has changed constantly over the years. Ultimately all of these states will continue to exist only if they satisfy the democratic, political, economic and social aspirations of the peoples of their constituent parts. The EU is founded on principles of human rights, self-determination and inclusion. It is right that the EU allows member states to resolve their own internal relationships and should recognise and accommodate any changes. If, as an organisation, the EU were to interfere on behalf of the existing nation states and deny the democratic rights of their peoples, it would be sowing the seeds of its own destruction. Kenneth McNeil, Alva Place, Lenzie.
Posted on: Thu, 10 Jul 2014 09:28:26 +0000
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