Heres the full version of Dr. Weismans Op-Ed in the Providence - TopicsExpress



          

Heres the full version of Dr. Weismans Op-Ed in the Providence Journal. LET’S GET SERIOUS ABOUT RACIAL DISPARITIES IN U.S., INCLUDING R.I. Providence Journal: Published September 08, 2014 Daniel Weisman [This is the full version of the commentary that appeared in the Providence Journal on September 8, 2014. It was signed by 16 members of the faculty and staff of the Rhode Island College School of Social Work] The tragic shooting of Michael Brown, an African-American unarmed teenager, in Ferguson Missouri, is one of a string of troubling events that should make all of us wonder what is going on in this country. In each case, the national attention is drawn to the victim and shooter, and maybe the immediate community, with much less attention to why there is so much violence by whites towards blacks, and so much denial by whites. About a year ago, the Pew Research Center conducted a survey about Americans’ views of how blacks are treated by seven major US institutions. I invite you to take the survey and compare your responses to those of other Americans. Are blacks and whites treated equally, by each of the following: • In dealing with the police? • In the courts? • On the job or at work? • In stores or restaurants? • In local public schools? • In getting health care? • When voting in elections? Put down your pencils. Here are the percentages saying blacks are treated less fairly than whites, by race: • In dealing with the police: 37% of whites and 70% of blacks • In the courts: 27% of whites and 68% of blacks • On the job or at work: 16% of whites and 54% of blacks • In stores or restaurants: 16% of whites and 44% of blacks • In local public schools: 15% of whites and 51% of blacks • In getting health care: 14% of whites and 47% of blacks • When voting in elections? 13% of whites and 48% of blacks [source: pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/08/12/vast-majority-of-blacks-view-the-criminal-justice-system-as-unfair/] In fact, each of the seven systems treats blacks less fairly than whites. If you are white and answered the two races are treated about the same, you are part of the problem, and you have plenty of company. Here are the data showing how each of the systems discriminates against blacks. Treatment by the Police Over and over, traffic stop and other police data indicate disproportionate targeting of blacks and other people of color although there is no documented difference in driving habits or behaviors that lead to probable cause. According to the U.S. Justice Department, black drivers are three times more likely than whites to experience police use of force (threat or actual), or to be searched during traffic stops. [bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/cpp08.pdf] Last year, an ACLU study found that that although blacks and whites use marijuana at about the same rate, blacks are four times more likely to be arrested for possession: “…[I]n virtually every county in the country, police have wasted taxpayer money enforcing marijuana laws in a racially biased manner.” [nytimes/2013/06/04/us/marijuana-arrests-four-times-as-likely-for-blacks.html?smid=tw-share&_r=2&] A researcher at the University of Vermont commented on national arrest data: Black people don’t produce crimes out of their proportion. They are policed out of their proportion. [uvm.edu/~uvmpr/?Page=news&storyID=19012] Between 2005 and 2012, white police officers “justifiably” killed black people an average of twice a week, according to local police data. [rgj/story/news/nation/2014/08/14/police-killings-data/14060357/] In the courts The U.S. leads all countries in percentage of citizens in prisons and jails, with a rate of about 7 per thousand, mostly for drug-related crimes. Seven percent of black men (10 times the national incarceration average) are in prisons and jails; one-third of black males will be imprisoned some time during their lifetime. African-Americans convicted of the same or even lesser crimes in comparison to whites frequently receive harsher sentences. The death penalty is given disproportionately to black men. Black-on-white crimes result in the most severe penalties. [Johnson, M. M. & Rhodes, R. (2015). Human Behavior and the Larger Social Environment: Context for Social Work Practice and Advocacy. (3rd ed). IL: Lyceum] In employment In a study of employment practices, reported in the American Economic Review (a peer-reviewed journal), researchers mailed resumes with white- and black-sounding names (verified by outside consultants), “in response to over 1,300 newspaper ads for sales, administrative, and clerical jobs in Boston and Chicago.” The authors found that, “[R]esumes with white-sounding names received 50 percent more callbacks than those with black names.” [povertyactionlab.org/evaluation/discrimination-job-market-united-states] Once blacks find jobs, they face the additional burden of discrimination in the workplace. Researchers from the University of Oregon, Ohio State University and the University of Arizona analyzed data from the Ohio Civil Rights Commission (OCRC) between 1988 and 2003. They randomly selected 250 cases which had been verified as discriminatory by the OCRC, understanding that these cases understated the prevalence of workplace discrimination due to barriers preventing employees from bringing complaints against their employers, and the OCRC’s strict rules of evidence. The findings indicated that a majority of white employers defended proven cases of discrimination as the employees’ faults, in effect “blaming the victim.” [The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 2011 634: 39] In stores and restaurants In a 1997 Gallop Poll, 45% of black respondents said they “…had suffered at least one discriminatory experience, 30% said they had experienced discrimination while shopping, and 21% encountered discrimination while dining out (defined to include visiting bars, theaters, and other entertainment).” Available data indicate that consumer racial profiling (CRP) is a common experience for African Americans and other people of color. Examples include: service stations requiring blacks to pre-pay while allowing whites to pay after filling their tanks; discriminatory pricing for new and used cars; predatory financing practices; discriminatory table service by national restaurant chains; harassment by cashiers and security guards at malls and retail chain stores. [bc.edu/content/dam/files/schools/law/lawreviews/journals/bctwj/23_1/01_FMS.htm]. Reviewing national data, a researcher at Salem State University concluded that “Despite the lack of precise data, there is a consensus among scholars that CRP is a pervasive fact-of-life for people of color in the United States today.” She summarized her findings by quoting Regina Austin, author of “A Nation of Thieves: Securing Black People’s Right to Shop and to Sell in White America” [Utah Law Review, 1994]: “There can hardly be a black person in America who has not been denied entry to a store closely watched snubbed questioned about her or his ability to pay for an item or stopped and detained for shoplifting” In schools More than 20 years ago, Jonathan Kozol [Savage Inequalities, Harper, 1991] documented deliberate public policies that segregate students by race and class, and result in white schools receiving substantially greater per-pupil expenditures. Consequently, black and other minority children receive inferior educations in comparison to white students in neighboring school districts. Lower percentages of blacks than whites complete high school. In addition, schools disproportionately discipline black students, including suspensions. According to a recent study, “In all school districts across Rhode Island, black and Hispanic students are suspended from school at rates substantially higher than their representation in the student population, while white students are suspended much less often than their representation predicts. Worse, the disproportionate suspensions are often for minor behavioral infractions and begin in elementary school, propelling black and Hispanic students at much higher rates along a path away from a diploma and toward high dropout rates, involvement in the juvenile justice system, and a number of other serious consequences that may shape the rest of their lives” [riaclu.org/images/uploads/Blacklisted-_Racial_Bias_in_School_Suspensions_in_Rhode_Island.pdf]. In health care Last year, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) reported that “Health disparities between African Americans and other racial and ethnic populations are striking and apparent in life expectancy, death rates, infant mortality, and other measures of health status and risk conditions and behaviors”: heart disease, stroke, hypertension, obesity, diabetes, homicides, periodontitis, HIV, deaths from colorectal cancer, and lack of health insurance. The CDC explained that “(F)actors contributing to poor health outcomes among African Americans include discrimination, cultural barriers, and lack of access to health care.” [cdc.gov/minorityhealth/populations/remp/black.html#Disparities] When voting Higher percentages of blacks than whites voted in the 2012 presidential election. There are more than 10,000 black elected officials in the country. [https://census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/facts_for_features_special_editions/cb13-ff22.html] But blacks’ political power has not caught up with their percentage of the population, due to gerrymandering, strategic intimidation, misinformation campaigns, and restrictive voter identification laws and procedures. To these systems, let us add the economy. The Pew survey asked about the workplace, but not overall economic well-being. A year ago, the Washington Post analyzed blacks’ economic progress on the 50th anniversary of the 1963 “I Have a Dream” March on Washington. Reviewing Census data, the Post concluded that blacks have made some strides but still lag significantly behind whites in all economic indicators: employment, income, home ownership, and households above the poverty line. [https://census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/facts_for_features_special_editions/cb13-ff22.html] Imagine you are a member of an easily-identified minority group. You, your relatives, your friends and your community are less well off than the majority group and many other minority group members. Add to this a 300+ year history of first legal and then tacit discrimination. Then, over a period of about 30 to 40 years things got a little better. The majority group was more tolerant, at least on the surface, and people you know began to enjoy more opportunity and even better lives, although not as good as most majority group members. Then the “Great Recession” hit, and your group lost most, if not all, it had gained, while affluent members of the majority group quickly recovered all their losses. Finally, the majority group believes the system is just, inequality is almost gone, and everyone can make it if they work hard enough. You are constantly told that it’s your fault if you do not succeed. Imagine the hostility, skepticism, resentment, and disaffection you would feel. When you try to cope in the most available ways, your culture is blamed for your situation. As various groups have moved into the working and middle classes, they have become privileged in relation to African-Americans. When that privilege becomes vulnerable at times, like the current prolonged stagnant economy, inequality leads to tensions, and ill-prepared police are expected to control angry young people whom they fear and do not understand. This discussion could be extended to social and economic class, but the events in Ferguson are about race. We could also talk about individual responsibility, but that is more appropriate when the finger-pointer is on the same level playing field. I began this piece with seven questions about racial inequities. I’ll end it by inviting all of us to talk about this among ourselves and across demographic lines. We challenge all candidates for public office during this election season to address these and other forms of discrimination, which can be remedied by better public policy decisions. For example, we can outlaw racial profiling; close the school-to-prison pipeline by adopting stricter suspension guidelines; reform sentencing practices in criminal court; replace the property tax with statewide education funding; and drop zero-tolerance policies. We can also try to walk a bit in each other’s shoes.
Posted on: Mon, 22 Sep 2014 16:55:31 +0000

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