How do we get rid of President Jacob Zuma? This column originally appeared in Beeld newspaper President Jacob Zuma can’t stay on much longer as the president of South Africa. We simply can’t afford him. We need a leader with clean hands who can lead with integrity. Someone who can intervene, talk and strategise when a Marikana happens, an African Bank collapses or when gang bullets smash through small children. Zuma is not such a leader. This past week, he proved it again. Look at his answers last Thursday to Parliament in reaction to the Nkandla scandal. Not once did he admit he should have known better when a palace arose out of nothing around him. Not once did he offer to pay for at least part of the renovations that had zero to do with state security. His 20-page answer undermines every South African who battles daily to keep head above water in a struggling economy. In practice, Zuma shows the middle finger to everyone who has investigated him and says: “I will decide what will happen to me, thank you very much.” Now the poor police minister, Nkosinathi Nhleko, must determine how much the Zuma family must pay back to the state. Don’t hold your breath. The point is Zuma does not want to go to jail. This is what he wants. This is why we’re sitting with a mess at the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), where time and again Zuma has appointed people with tainted backgrounds. In this way, he has a hold over them not to prosecute him. Not for the money he received from Schabir Shaik or the arms dealer Thales. Also not for Nkandla. So how can we get rid of Zuma before 2019? In my opinion, there are three options: » The ANC can recall Zuma as was done with former president Thabo Mbeki because he brought the party into disrepute. Mbeki’s removal was driven by the ANC Youth League and trade unions. Currently, there’s no grouping in the governing alliance that opposes Zuma strongly enough. Yes, there are many in the ANC who feel Zuma should go, but it’s unlikely they’ll burn a T-shirt with his image on it or sing anti-Zuma songs in public as was the case with Mbeki. » The second option is a so-called “honourable retirement”, which could be negotiated with Zuma behind the scenes. There are already noises coming out of the Nkandla area from family members who feel he must come home. Zuma doesn’t look well and was sick for an extended period earlier this year. The ANC could also have him “retire” in a year or so and appoint a new state president. Someone like Cyril Ramaphosa. » A third option is an amnesty that will indemnify Zuma from prosecution if he resigns and disappears from the political scene. Zuma is paranoid over the possibility of appearing in court again and will probably consider such an offer. But the key question is at what price. Will we lose our democratic principles with such a deal or can it save South Africa in the long term? – Basson is the editor of Beeld. Follow him on Twitter @AdriaanBasson response: ANC statement in response to Adriaan Botha [Basson] FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 19 AUGUST 2014 The African National Congress has noted the condescending and self important article by the editor of Beeld newspaper, Adriaan Basson , which translated to English is entitled “How do we get rid of Zuma” and appeared in Monday’s edition of the paper. The African National Congress has, over the years, championed the cause of a free and democratic press which absolutely entitles the media to criticize the ANC and the government it leads including the President. The article however flies in the face of the decorum expected of senior leaders of the press in instances where national issues are at stake. This we say in a spirit of sadness. The article demonstrates an obsession by Basson in waging a determined, desperate and futile campaign to get rid of President Zuma. He ignores the emphatically expressed will of 11 million South Africans who renewed the mandate of the ANC, with Comrade Jacob Zuma at the helm, to lead the country. He thus abrogates upon himself monopoly of knowledge and is disdainful of the confidence the people of South Africa have in the ANC and its President, barely three months following a national election where the very same issues Basson raises were tested. The role of the media, amongst others, is to manufacture concensus. This Basson does aptly against the will of the majority of the South African people and with the intention to subvert democracy, by all means necessary. In his quest to continue to discredit President Zuma, Basson is even prepared to resort to blatant lies. He speaks that “he (Zuma) should have known better when a palace arose out of nothing around him”. It is a known fact and concured by the Public Protector that the President did not use state funds for the building of his residence. President Zuma initiated and paid for the building of his residence, as is usually the norm in these instances, even before he was elected head of state and government of this country. It was only after the involvement of the SAPS that costs of a security nature came into the picture. Therefore the ANC unreservedly supports the President in his call for the Minister of Police to exercise his constitutional duty to determine which of these costs are of a security nature so that, as he has said on at least three occasions, he may settle for what in the first instance prompted him to build a house for his family. This will separate private from public costs. Basson’s reference to “the poor police minister, Nkosinathi Nhleko” is not only patronising and condescending but demonstrates a contempt for duly appointed democratically elected officials in the exercise of their natural duties. And this is the crux of the matter. While the ANC is unambiguously committed to the Freedom of expression, Basson demonstrably treats democracy as disposable when he manufactures three options to “get rid of Zuma before 2019.” He even manages to speak of “an amnesty that will indemnify *President+ Zuma from prosecution” if he resigns and disappears from the political scene. Basson proceeds as though we are dealing with the criminal regime of apartheid past. If Basson cannot tell the difference between his Bothas from his Zumas, that is fortunately not a widely shared disability in our country. The African National Congress accordingly calls on all South Africans to defend democracy and to close ranks and isolate and disregard such agitation and intended call-to-arms against the President. We are not oblivious to the need for demonstrable probity in the manner in which public funds are utilized by public servants and office bearers, including instances which invariably require security detail for reasons that are obvious. Hence the “poor” but duly authorized organs of state (including the responsible Minister) will diligently continue their necessary work.
Posted on: Tue, 19 Aug 2014 19:03:45 +0000
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