Impeachment As Weapon Against Opposition By UCHENNA AWOM — - TopicsExpress



          

Impeachment As Weapon Against Opposition By UCHENNA AWOM — Jul 20, 2014 | 3 Comments Impeachment is not new in Nigeria’s political lexicon, but its application as it affects governors has been spare. At the moment, however, the wind appears to be blowing across the political landscape of the nation. The question is whether it is now being expressly deployed as an instrument of political witch-hunt against opponents of the president, or is an attempt by the people to call erring elected officials to order. UCHENNA AWOM writes that after all, the impeachment gale was ignited by the state governors who are now at the receiving end It would seem as though that the 2015 political showdown has begun and the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) may have kick-started dispensing its arsenal to shoot its way back to power. Yet there may be other discerning theories, which could suggest very strongly that the acknowledged messianic disposition of the state governors are up for serious public challenge. Either way the current gale of impeachment is interpreted, the fact remains that the current democracy is going through a speedy metamorphoses. So it will be foolhardy to locate the rising gale only on the door steps of the governing party, while isolating other acts that could genuinely ignite impeachment of an elected official. This is because the framers of the impeachment weapon could not have been wittingly wrong. There must be something Germaine that prompted political scholars of old to propound such political theory, perhaps to check the excesses of welders of political power, particularly those who entrusted with such power courtesy of the people’s mandate. So even the country’s political actors would not be spared of the wrath of these men of ages, whose wisdom created a precedent whereby political wars between the three arms of government are settled without firing a single gunshot. Through conscious efforts, these ancient political players that straddled Europe and America introduced impeachment as a mechanism for bringing charges against an official of the state with a view to removing the person from office if found guilty. Unfortunately, like the application and practice of other aspects of presidential and parliamentary democracy in Nigeria, the usage of the inherent impeachment powers has become a threat to the institutions it was meant to protect. Quite regrettably, an understanding of successful and failed impeachments since 1999 have confirmed the argument that the impeachments across the land have established that political actors are bereft of proper understanding of the meaning and purpose of removing a public official from office. There are instances where state governors have blatantly deployed impeachment in a most gruesome manner to remove speakers of state House of Assembly that exhibits some level of independent mindedness, which ordinarily should work to enhance good governance through the application of the doctrine of separation of powers. Ditto, they have in a most bizarre manner caused the impeachment of their deputies. Examples, was the several attempts to remove the then Deputy Governor of Abia State, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe. The move was engineered by the state governor less than three months after their swearing in in 1999. The man survived three impeachment. That perhaps kick started the gale of impeachment in this dispensation, which later forced him to resign to contest against Governor Orji Kalu on the platform of the All Nigeria Political Party (ANPP). The same Kalu was to further cause the impeachment of Abaribe’s successor, Dr. China Nwafor who was to die shortly as a result of its trauma. It was the same case for Chris Ekpenyong of Akwa Ibom state, who was eventually removed ignominiously on the strength of Governor Victor Atta,s insistence. Former Governor of Lagos State, Bola Tinubu it could be recalled also gingered the removal of his female deputy Mrs Akerele Bucknor in their first term in office. Most recent cases abound across the country, like the case of Agbaso in Imo State, which was allegedly orchestrated by governor Rochas Okorocha less than a year in office. It was the same case in Taraba State where the recuperating Governor Danbaba Suntai powered the impeachment of his deputy. Governor Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom state even engineered the fastest impeachment of his deputy governor, Insima Ekere in 2012. It was the same scenario in Bauchi State, Zamfara et al. Ironically, impeachment becomes anathema only when a governor is impeached no matter how right such action could have been. That is to say that the state chief executives are also culprits in the same game that could consume them in a major power play. Infact, the State governors who seem to be at the receiving end presently, are the architect of the unfortunate bastardization of the impeachment process rather than the Presidency as currently being alleged. So there is total complicit of all the political actors in Nigeria in the abuse of impeachment, which suppose to be the only weapon available to the people in the constitution. The danger of the frequent deployment of impeachment is in its willful politicization by the actors. It gets bad that even a guilty actor deploys political rhetorics to waive its essence aside, besides it has become also a weapon that could be deployed by the most impugned ruler in the absence brute force of arms to remove an opponent. But then, there are begging instances where the welders of the impeachment power have failed to deploy it even in the obvious cases of abuse of office. The lawmakers at every level of government are the custodians of this element of power, so their failure to deploy it when necessary have subjected impeachment to several abuse. It is now an instrument of bazaar, a bargaining chip for ruthless agrandisment available for high bids. The Genesis in Nigeria Balarabe Musa of Kaduna State The impeachment of Alhaji Balarabe Musa as the second republic governor of Kaduna State heralded the gale of impeachments in the country. Since then, impeachment has become a political tool for witch- hunting of enemies or as an instrument of intimidation used to coerce stubborn governors to the negotiation table for political gains. Though some political analysts believe that Musa’s impeachment then had some inherent elements that made it look genuine, but even at that, he was simply shoved aside by the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) dominated State House of Assembly, fiercely deployed by the then dreaded ‘Kaduna Mafia’ that would not brood the very populists Talakawa Politics of Mallam Aminu Kano of blessed memory, because of power play. His impeachment then was not related to any misappropriation of funds or any other form of fraudulent tendencies. His major sin then, was that Gov Musa ruled that state for almost two years without constituting his cabinet, even at that, it was still the state lawmakers that frustrated his efforts to appoint commissioners of his choice. Dieprieye Alamesiagha During his time, the story of misappropriation of public funds by elected officials had assumed an alarming rate and allegations of financial recklessness. So, it was upon this allegation that former governor of Bayelsa State, Chief Diepreye Alameyesigha’s impeachment was premised. But in a country where corruption is endemic and on its way to becoming, institutionalized, only the man without sin can cast the first stone. As governor of Bayelsa State at the peak of the Niger Delta crisis and the offshore/onshore dichotomy agitation, Alameyesigha was popular as a result of the mediatory roles he played. His was close to the former President, Olusegun Obasanjo who held sway at Aso Rock that time. However, Alameyesigha who was referred to as the Governor- General of Ijaw’s nation suddenly parted ways with former President Obasanjo and that signaled the beginning of his end as governor. Obasanjo who is known for his vindictive tendency and display of imperial powers as President armed Alamieyesigha to claim that his impeachment was midwifed by the then presidency. Such was not doubted and of course the various roles played by the Federal Government in that saga also corroborated the former governor’s stance. To the chagrin of the world, the FG meddled in the affairs of the state by deploying its financial and institutional might to ensure Alamieyesigha’s removal. Many, who kicked against the FG’s role, maintained that their grouse was not informed by the manner of financial allegations against Alameyiesigha, but that the powers that be Abuja midwived the process and ensured that Bayelsa State House of Assembly impeached the governor by all means in Yenagoa under heavy security. That episode, however, laid the foundation for subsequent usage of the federal might to remove or intimidate any state governor, who did not dance to the presidency’s tune on many issues. Joshua Dariye Chief Joshua Dariye was enmeshed in endless controversy as governor of Plateau State. He was always in the news for the wrong reasons. It was however hard to prove that he was responsible for the wrong things ascribed to him. That notwithstanding, Dariye’s political grave that time was dug when he was arrested for money laundering in Britain. The unfortunate incident made him an easy prey for the then presidency that had earlier sacked him in an unconstitutional manner. Banking on allegations of financial impropriety against the governor, the House of Assembly embarked on impeaching Dariye. While few members of the Plateau State House of Assembly were intent on having him impeached, others in the majority and stakeholders in the state were vehemently opposed to the move. But in a manner depicting the disregard for the rule of law, which hallmarked that era, a five- man House of Assembly group impeached Dariye on November 13, 2006. But for the support of the FG, the sack would not have been possible given that the number of those who impeached the Plateau governor fell short of the constitutional requirement. After a series of appeals he was reinstated as governor in May before the end of his tenure Peter Obi Ironically, then Anambra State governor, Mr Peter Obi who was elected on the platform of All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) became a victim of impeachment shortly after hosting the then President Obasanjo during a state visit. Analysts posits that Obi may not have known that Obasanjo came to predict his (Obi) exit from Government House. In his usual jocular manner, the former president had told Obi to forget re-election in 2007 if he did not join the PDP because he (Obasanjo) would not support a non-PDP member. And true to Obasanjo’s postulations, a day after the visit, Obi was impeached on November 2, 2006, after seven months in office. The lawmakers had reportedly met with representatives of Obasanjo in Asaba , Delta State and then accompanied to Awka by heavy security provided by the police Mobile Unit. The House of Assembly members arrived Awka at at 5:00 am and began sitting afterwards. They received the report of a panel of investigation set up to investigate the governor and, after deliberating for about an hour, decided to impeach the governor, Peter Obi. Although Obi was eventually returned to office courtesy of the judiciary,but analysts believe that his ouster would not have materialsed without the support of the PDP-led federal government. Rashidi Ladoja To observers, the removal of Rashidi Ladoja as governor of Oyo State was most comical. It was brazenly in active connivance of the federal might and in connection to Obasanjo’s third term agenda, which Ladoja, an ally of the then embattled Vice President Abubakar Atiku, opposed. While the law required 20 legislators to carry out the impeachment, 18 lawmakers met over the recommendations of a panel of inquiry and impeached the governor. The December 7, 2006, reinstatement of Ladoja by the Supreme Court reaffirmed the general notion that he was impeached through hooliganism, political rascality, killing and maiming among others. Consider this quote; “Collecting N65 million as security vote every month. You know that governors don’t account for security vote. He was to give me N15 million of that every month. He reneged. Later it was reduced to N10 million. Yet he did not give me,” the late Chief Lamidi Adebibu complained about Ladoja, who he reportedly made governor. Dismissing Adedibu’s claims, Ladoja denied reaching any agreement with the octogenarian. He said: ‘’We did not reach any agreement about sharing money. When he asked me about his own share, I asked him under which account should I put it… The understanding of both of us of what governance is supposed to be differs. The difference is that I see governance as service while he sees it as business.’’ With the claim and counter claim setting the stage for Ladoja’s eventual impeachment. Ayo Fayose With allegations of financial misconduct and murder levelled against him, the then Ekiti State governor, Ayodele Fayose, found himself fighting both seen and unseen enemies in a bitter political war that became comic at a stage. Today Fayose is back as governor of the same state wherein he was hounded out of office via impeachment. Fayose, a former ally of Obasanjo, fell out with the former president, making Obasanjo to deploy the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, against him. The impeachment of Fayose and his deputy, Mrs Biodun Olujimi, on October 6, 2006, precipitated crisis, particularly with the assumption of office by the state speaker, Friday Aderemi. However, it was said that the failure to heed the instruction of the presidency to impeach only Fayose and spare the deputy, Olujimi propelled Obasanjo to declare that there was a breakdown of law and order in the state and subsequently declared a state of emergency, and appointed Brig-Gen. Adetunji Olurin (rtd) as the sole administrator of the state on October 19, 2006. Now it is Gov. Nyako Well, the hasty impeachment of Governor Murtala Nyako of Adamawa State, who was a maddening critic of the Goodluck Jonathan presidency, has thrown up more confusing question in the Nigeria political environment. On one hand is the fact that some of the governors, including those who are candidates for impeachment, are difficult to defend on account of the misrule alleged against them by the electorate through their lawmakers. On the other hand is the fact that Nigerians also know that the Goodluck Jonathan presidency is believed to be covertly manipulating the impeachment processes for malevolent political ends. Perhaps, the foregoing are the divergent schools of thought. Nonetheless, analyst posits that for the Fourth Republic not to be endangered, the electorate and their legislators will have to strike a delicate balance to separate reality from illusion, and distil truth from falsehood. Governor Nyako, who defected to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) with four other Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors last year, was impeached in a process that lasted barely one week. The process and his eventual impeachment threw up fears in opposition ranks, suggesting that his impeachment presages similar plans deliberately aimed at a number of vulnerable APC states, including Nasarawa – which is ongoing – Rivers, Edo and Kano, among others. The growing fear is that the PDP, if truly they are responsible for the current gale of impeachment may not stop anytime some. Political observers of the emerging scenario are quick to conjecture that the resort to impeachment, falls within a critical sphere in an overall strategy to secure re- election for President Jonathan. The observers opine that in order to guarantee a second term, the president’s strategists estimate that a few APC states, especially those previously under PDP control, will have to be reclaimed before the next general elections, and if possible, before he throws his hat into the ring a second time. Also Al-Makura Nasarawa State not known for deep political animosity is heated now. It is a state with a legislature controlled by the PDP. They have begun the process of impeaching its governor. Like Adamawa’s Governor Nyako, who was removed post-haste in spite of his aides enacting a series of fancy but tortuous footwork, Governor Tanko Al-Makura of the APC is not expected to survive the ordeal. Epilogue Expectedly, the impeachment drive is presented to the public either as punishment for executive malfeasances or strictly local politics in which the presidency has no hand, but only passing and amusing interest. The essence of the whole thing is that the country is back to a major political power play in which all the actors are culprits. The danger is that it is hard to know when genuine scenario has been created. But the truth is that, the victim governors should not wholly run away from the begging questions posed by the lawmakers, because not all of them may be borne out of political persecution. There may be truth in all the allegations being leveled that could come back to hunt an impeached governor in later years when political camps changes. For now it is easy to run to public opinion as cover, when the contrary is the case. Allegations being leveled, especially some that are backed with documentary evidence needs to be either debunked, disproved or approved. The victim governor would definitely loose nothing by appearing before the panel no matter how fathom, to tear the documents or evidences to shreds. Even if such efforts fails to save him, posterity would at least record that the victim governor was confident enough to defend such allegations when he was summoned by a statutory instrument of state to do so. Running away or shunning the panels is in itself a denigration of the constitution and in any way an acceptance of guilt. The public need to know the truth.
Posted on: Mon, 21 Jul 2014 20:14:25 +0000

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