LAVITTUDE RAMPHOMANE Continuity Of White Supremacist Position. The biggest mistake the black world ever made was to assume that whoever opposed apartheid was an ally. Steve Biko. The synchronic homologies between the status of the slave and the Black subjectivity, are manifested diachronically as historical continuity. Frank B Wilderson. The main reason why blacks in South Afrika fail to grasp the vexatious nettle that their suffering has become, is ascribable to, inter alia: - the reluctance to acknowledge that pro-white supremacy gestures include utilizing black faces to hide apartheid, black faces who seek to profit from black (social) death. - the inability to interrogate the history of mass mobilization formations aimed at collapsing the hydraulics of white supremacist machinery. - the absence of the intellectual impetus as a sine qua non to discern the stratagems employed for the unbridled perpetuation of white supremacy. A quick reading of the timing of the formation; the funding; the membership; affiliation and the funding of the highly influential UDF of the 80s and its contribution, reveals that white supremacist agenda is capable of forming its own freedom movements using black agents for strategic reasons. It must be taken into cognisanze that the UDF was formed at the apex of anti-apartheid sentiment, immediately after the 1976 uprisings, the Biko murder and the emergence of the avant garde Black Consciouss movement. To consider the antagonism that the pro-ANC UDF exhibited towards BC formations, and the insights by former uMkhonto We Sizwe member, Frank B Wilderson, it is not far-fetched to conclude that the UDF was formed by the white agenda to retard genuine gestures offered by BC movements. Another vital aspect worth pondering upon is the kind of pro-freedom, anti-white supremacy parlance advanced by the UDF, which was supplemented by the then exiled ANC underground tactics. It is in this cautious spirit that newly formed multi-racial parties like the EFF and Agang, which purport to labour to end black suffering, albeit through different political schemata, should be interrogated before being embraced with cretin-like gullibility which has become to charecterize black life. The other intriguing element which comes to play is the momentous anti-1994 sentiment expressed through largely youthful black Pan Afrikanist Black Conscioussness bodies like Passma, Payco, Blackwash and the SNI, which posited that elections and political participation were no panaceas towards adressing black suffering. The UDF as the head of the ernomous Mass Democratic Movement ensemble - later mutating to a conglomerate named the tripartite alliance - decidedly brought us the 1994 opium which inaugarated election con-artistry and anti-black parliamentary politics. To note that elections and parliament are processes and organs at the intersection of white supremacist survival and black suffering, one needs to look at the accumulation of dead bodies as a result of structural and performative violence visited upon blacks since 94. As a comparative context, one also needs to juxtapose todays black with an apartheid-era black in order to observe that the multiracial UDF/ANC tripartite nexus served the anti-black agenda despite their pro-freedom rhetoric. According to the recent reports tabled by Statistics SA and the World Bank, in post-1994 dispensation, white life has vastly improved vis a vis black life, which has degenerated to unprecedented lows. Many a black scholar of the decolonization drive warns of the proclivity of white supremacy to change its performance and faces, while maintating its unbridled desire to annihilate the black race. The Burkina Faso situation where white supremacy was re-introduced through the black body in Blaise Compraore, and the Mozambique revolution which was derailed by black bodies representing a white political desire through Renamo, are cases in point! Now that it is pellucid beyond doubt that white supremacy is in the habit of creating formations onstensibly geared toward obliterating black subjection, and that political desire which undergirds processes like elections and parliament are anti-black, why would the EFF and Agang implore disillusioned blacks to vote and venture in these anti-black edifices and processes? In the ocean of such glaring evidence that the election is one of the myriad strategies geared towards numbing and managing legitimate black anger, why would the EFF and Agang implore angry blacks who are contemplating boycotting the elections, to vote? Why would true revolutionaries who are motivated by love choose the high-paying parliamentary route instead of the violent overthrow of white supremacy organized at grassroots level? What is needed more that ever before in this country is for blacks to be rained upon with hailstorm of political education!
Posted on: Thu, 14 Nov 2013 15:57:10 +0000
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