NATIONAL CO–NFERENCE, NIGER DELTA AND RESOURCE CONTROL: ISSUES AND PERSPECTIVES A LECTURE DELIVERED BY: RT. HON. (ENGR.) VICTOR ONYEKACHI OCHEI (FNSE, FIAS) AT THE LAUNCHING OF VOYAGE MAGAZINE ON THE 19TH OF JULY, 2014 VENUE: PEEMOS HOTEL, WARRI Your Excellency, Dr. Emmanuel Eweta Uduaghan (CON), Executive Governor of Delta State. Your Excellency, Prof Amos Agbe Utuama (SAN) Deputy Governor of Delta State. Distinguished Senators of the Federal Republic, Hon. Members of the House of Representative. Distinguished Speaker, Delta State House of Assembly, My Lord, The Chief Judge of Delta State, My Lord, the President, Customary Court of Appeal, My very esteemed colleagues, Members of the Delta State Executive Council Present, Permanent Secretaries, Heads of Extra Ministerial Depts., The Publisher Voyage Magazine, Voice of the Niger Delta, Dr. Mudiaga Odje Members of the Fourth estate of the Realm, Ladies & Gentlemen INTRODUCTION I must respectfully thank the organizers of this event for their foresight, tenacity of purpose and for building on the very rich and enduring legacy of their father and legal icon, late Chief Mudiaga Odje who was among the early frontline legal eggs head to have bestrode the Nigerian legal space. While alive, he shone brightly. I must, also, use this platform to express my heartfelt condolence to the Mudiaga Odge family on the untimely death of one of their scions, Eretare Fargas Mudiaga Odje Esq. May his gentle soul rest in peace. Amen. For this gathering, I have been asked to share with you my thoughts on” National Conference, Niger Delta and Resource Control: Issues and Perspectives.” While, indeed, I am pleased to be in your midst today to look at this engaging topic, I am at a loss, bearing in mind that this topic to which I have been asked to contribute to its unending debate appears in principle over- flogged, given that the National Conference has virtually concluded and the issue formed a major plank of the discussion there. Invariably, it may be suggestive in that any opinion or solution offered might appear belated, and will seem to have lost its usefulness; as such, issues must have been painstakingly discussed and analyzed, thereby making our little effort here simply pale into grave insignificance. However, being very topical, I have chosen to discuss the topic albeit historically, by looking at the history and historicity of the issues involved .This is in the belief that such historical analyses will serve as a worthy reminder to the vast majority of our people on how to shape the future. While I am inclined to take a historical perspective in discussing the topic in focus, I am not unmindful of the present -day realities and their demands, for it is my belief that only a well articulated past, anchored on a positive threshold and refreshed by an enlightened present will well serve as a worthy catalyst for the positive shaping of the future development of our amalgamated country. So, in this context, history seeks to perpetually remind us where we are coming from and, if tainted ugly, to make amends for the future. Each past experience must enlighten our present and shape our future. How well have we, as a nation, abided by this truism of all times in the topic under discourse is left for us to judge. MULTIPLE NEGATIVES IN THE NIGERIAN STATE Sometime ago, the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo described Nigeria as a mere geographical expression. His position was hinged on the fact that the entity had not been sufficiently glued together to pass for a united nation, devoid of primordial considerations. Though that was decades ago, this position resonates forcefully when we consider that we seem to pay more allegiance to our ethnic groupings than to the Nigeria State. Unfortunately, ethnic consciousness and identity continue to stare us in the face. It readily underlies the so- called tribalist voting pattern of our people, the willingness of the poor villager to believe that the minister from his village somehow represents his share of the national cake. (See Claude Ake:2002:99) The presence of so these multiple negatives has tended to raise questions on the workability of Nigeria; hence the need to have a solution through frank discussions of all the different consciousness that make up the entity called Nigeria. It is thus in this sense that we must commend the President, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, for his bold step in convening the 2014 National Conference. NIGERIA AND NATIONAL CONFERENCES: A FLEETING OVERVIEW The idea of seeking an enlightened discussion, aimed at fashioning the best form of government and also seeking solutions to the multiple negatives that confront the conglomerate called Nigeria is as old as the country itself. History reminds us that even before the formal birth of this nation in 1914, series of conferences were held in a bid to putting together an enduring system that would keep it together. Bearing in mind the pluralistic nature of the fused country, the founding fathers of Nigeria, through several constitutional conferences attempted to fashion out the best system of government for the then emerging nation. At inception, the parliamentary system of government was recommended and chosen as the best form of government for the then evolving nation. Altogether, since 1914, Nigeria has experienced 11 constitutional experiments, including those brought about through constitutional conferences. Indeed, many of such conferences have seen the nation jettison some hither –to, well informed policies on the altar of expediencies or the crave for something new and different, painfully without, often fully understanding the novel idea they seem eager to embrace, or giving the perceived old idea enough fertile soil to either germinate or flourish.. Worse still, none of these conferences has been able to develop democratic persuasions original to our people, without overtly choosing to parrot democratic tendencies as defined by the West. And, as is well chronicled, cultural differences have made such efforts at parroting imperfect mimics easy. One of the most notable remarkable change in the annals of the country in recent memory was the 1978 Constitutional Conference, which recommended the Presidential system of government. Rather than continue with the parliamentary system of government bequeathed to her at independence and which is perceived as being cost effective, the nation through the instrumentality of the 1978 conference, embraced the very elaborate and some would say Presidential system of government. Many have since called to question the propriety of such change with some calling for a return to the parliamentary system of government, arguing that that bests suits the country. While I might not want to confine myself to the merits and demerits of such a debate, I wish, however, to quickly add that each system of government is as good as its operators. Equally significant of note is the 1963 Republican Conference that heralded the republican status of our country. TYPES OF NATIONAL CONFERENCE National Conferences may be broadly classified into three categories, namely: 1. (Non-sovereign) National Conference, which tends to be accommodative of the status-quo ante. 2. Sovereign National Conference, which tends to threaten the status-quo ante, and 3. Constitutional Conference While the first type, that is, the (Non-sovereign) National Conference is subject to a higher authority and operates within limited scope, the second type, (Sovereign National Conference), as the word, ‘sovereign’, suggests, is not subject to any higher authority. While the outcome of the first may strengthen the existing power structure by rebalancing it on new but marginal basis, the second may supplant and sweep away the existing order while heralding an entirely new order. The third type, Constitutional Conference, as the name denotes, has a single, specifically- defined limited scope – making proposals for constitutional changes within the existing constitutional framework. It is thus, in essence, akin to the first type of conference, and may, in fact, be a sub-set of the first category. The idea of a constitutional conference refers to building or rebuilding the nation-state on democratic constitutions which define or redefine the driving rules and principles of political pluralism, the role of the state, citizenship rights and duties, protection of fundamental rights, including socio-economic rights, and so on ( pls see Femi Aborishade the Vanguard Newspaper 2013) 2014 NATIONAL CONFERENCE So far since its inauguration, the conference has striven to break new grounds that would enhance the continuous growth and development of the Nigerian state. Your Excellency, Mr. Speaker, distinguished audience, you may recall that the setting up of the National Conference in March this year was a swift response to a call by a large segment of the Nigeria populace clamouring for an avenue to articulate and ventilate their opinion on given national issues. While there seemed to be a general agreement on the need for Nigerians to sit down and iron out their perceived differences, (there was howeve), a sharp disagreement on the nature and scope of the conference, with a sizeable portion of the citizenry calling for a sovereign National Conference, an overwhelming number reasoned that it was most suited to have a National conference devoid of such sweeping powers as obtained in Republic of Benin, etc. We need also be reminded that a quite a few saw the convening of another National conference at this point in time as a sheer waste of scarce resources .They hinged their argument on the fact that the nation had had a plethora of conferences with their decisions and findings never implemented. It was, therefore, their take that this was not going to be different from the past exercises. But in an apparent response to a popular demand, President Goodluck Jonathan granted same with the setting up of the Presidential Advisory Committee on the National Conference. Furthermore, in inaugurating the National Conference in March this year, the President gave compelling reasons why the conference was needed at this point in time in the life of the nation. His words: … the most compelling task before us, as we move ahead and contemplate what our nation will be at the end of its second century, is to lay a much stronger foundation for faster development. This we can achieve by building a more inclusive national consensus on the structure and guiding principles of state that will guarantee our emergence as a more united, progressive and prosperous nation. Harping on the need for nation -building and inclusiveness, the President in this well thought- out speech posited that: The strongest nations in the world today also went through their own formative stages; some for decades and others for centuries. We must learn from them that nationhood will not happen overnight, especially given the circumstances of our birth as a nation. History also teaches that nation-building is a journey of dedication, commitment, diligence, perseverance and patriotic vision. To be successful, nation-builders must continually strive to evolve better and more inclusive societies in which every citizen is a proud and committed stakeholder. Then he asserted: The National Conference is therefore being convened to engage in intense introspection about the political and socio-economic challenges confronting our nation and to chart the best and most acceptable way for the resolution of such challenges in the collective interest of all the constituent parts of our fatherland. This coming together under one roof to confer and build a fresh national consensus for the amicable resolution of issues that still cause friction amongst our people must be seen as an essential part of the process of building a more united, stronger and progressive nation..We cannot continue to fold our arms and assume that things will straighten themselves out in due course, instead of taking practical steps to overcome impediments on our path to true nationhood, rapid development and national prosperity. This was the lofty charge of the President to the conference and the conferees. The question that now looms large is how well has this mandate been realized? The answer to this question will, no doubt, depend on which side of the divide you belong. For positives like me, the conference has greatly been successful. However, I think that some of the resolutions taken have been highly ambitious and futuristic. One of such decisions is the idea that in a federal system of government, while, it is in the ambit of states to create local government, it is, however, not within their purview to conduct election into them, hence the suggestion for the scrapping of State Independent Electoral Commissions. Despite the perceived failing of some State Independent Electoral Commissions in conducting free and fair elections in the country, one thinks its suggested scrapping would be an over- kill and totally at variance with the principle of federalism Also, and quite worrisome too, is the fact that some of the participants at the conference seemed not to have imbibed the nationalistic flavor and candor needed in such conferences. They seemed too blinded by their primordial persuasions, rather than the national interest, in their responses to certain national issues. Or, how else can one explain the very often open disagreements and adjournments that crept up each time issues concerning the Niger Delta, issues of derivation and resource control were mentioned? In truth, the conference has once more brought to the fore the deep- seated suspicion between the North and the South especially as it concerns sharing the economic wealth of the nation. THE CRISES IN THE NIGER DELTA The Niger Delta presents a unique but real paradox. Despite the massive wealth from the area, the region is still perceived as one of the poorest parts of the country. This is in spite of the fact that about 90 per cent of Nigeria’s total wealth is gotten from the area and thus, deserves better treatment. This had led the people, over the years, to accuse the Nigerian state of gross marginalization as they suffer from ecological problems, hunger, pollution, disease and even death, all occasioned by massive oil exploration and exploitation taking place in the region. As earlier stated, these are paradoxes that have come to define the Niger delta region Ordinarily; the Niger Delta ought to be a reference in modernity due to the massive oil and gas resources extracted from its bosom and flows methodically into the international economic system, in exchange for massive revenue that carries the promise of rapid socio-economic transformation within the delta itself. Presenting a grim but factual description of the Niger Delta, The Punch Newspaper of November12, 2003 captured the situation graphically when it stated: The Niger Delta, which is the centre of Nigeria’s multi –billion dollar oil industry, is one of West Africa’s most under-developed and violent regions. Though the region is the source of more than Ninety per cent of Nigeria’s foreign earnings, its people are among the poorest in the country. Though the situation could be said to have inched for the good since the advent of the 5th Republic, life in the Niger Delta region remains falling in an age of block buster oil prices. Energy availability in the area is comatose in a region that provides one –fifth (20 per cent) of the energy needs of the United States. Even more worrisome is the cruel fact that refined petroleum is costlier in a region that produces over 2 million barrels of crude oil per day, i.e. if the production process is not disrupted. This situation was bemoaned thus: It is one of the most repulsive ironies of Nigeria that petroleum products cost more in Bonny, for example, Nigeria Bonny Crude (which is about the best) is produced than elsewhere in the country. (cfr Federal Republic of Nigeria. Report of the Political Bureau, Lagos, 1987.p.171) Surprisingly, however, over two decades later, the situation remains virtually the same. There is an almost total lack of roads in a region whose wealth is funding gigantic infrastructural development in other parts of Nigeria and expensive peace- keeping in other parts of Africa (See UNDP “Niger Delta Human Development Report 2006; Lagos p.2) So, in reality, the Niger Delta is a region suffering from administrative neglect, high unemployment, social deprivation, abject poverty, filth, squalor and endemic conflict. Invariably, the people of the Niger Delta region, especially the oil- bearing communities, believe and rightly too, that they have been unjustly treated by the Nigerian nation, the oil companies and the local compradors or the collaborating elements and this gave rise to the Niger Delta crises. Eskor Toyo offers us a perspective that helps greatly in understanding the crisis in the Niger Delta. He said: ..Why the crises in the oil -producing areas? The answer is this: foreign capitalist firms came to that part of Nigeria, discovered oil and started exploration. Then two things happened; one, there was environmental degradation. Two, the local people began to protest and the Nigerian government, in the name of peace and order, and in the name of oil revenue ,sent a force against them in an attempt to silence them…The last aspect of the crisis is that the local communities themselves, because of their misunderstanding and because of the various agents using them for divide and rule tactics and the oil greed of the bourgeoisie amongst them started, fighting and killing themselves over land (Eskor Toyo; 6) Distinguished guests, we have taken a succinct voyage on what the issues are in the Niger Delta ,but suffice it to say that the revenue allocation has not been fair to the Niger Delta states and this has in a way, exacerbated the crisis in the area. How? DERIVATION AND RESOURCE CONTROL To be able to understand the issues involved in the derivation principle and why it had been quite stormy at the National conference, it is important we continue on the historical methodology adopted so far since this voyage began. It may interest you to know that before the discovery of oil, as in all federating units, the regions were the areas of strength. So, what happened? With the avalanche of states, many of the new states could not meet the cost of running government and providing services to the people But with the new found oil wealth, the hitherto revenue sharing formula was jettisoned as everyone now shifted focus to petrol dollars. Ikporukpo Chris captured it thus: The economic unviability of the states became more marked as the years went by. For instance, in 1980,Niger state generated less of its revenue internally and Kwara state less than 10%.By 1988,Niger state generated only about 5%,Bauchi less than 7% and Sokoto 9%.What is evident here is that part of the problem is the absence of robust internally generated revenue (C. Ikporukpo,” Spatial Engineering and Accessibility” An inaugural Lecture, University of Ibadan,2002,19) Again, today, after a decade, the situation remains pitiably so if not worse. But it is important to stress that this had not always been the case. In the years immediately following independence, when Nigeria relied mainly on cash crops such as groundnut and cotton for( the North)cocoa(for west) and palm oil (for the East),the allocation was one hundred per cent 100%) subject to royalty to the central(Federal ) government to the generating region. This position is buttressed by Chief Ayekeme Whisky thus: In the early 60s during the era of republican constitution…Chief Obafemi Awolowo made it clear that in capitalism, what you produce is what you get, and that nobody should expect what the West was producing to be shared with others and we saw the effect. He, Awolowo, had the capacity to introduce free education; he became reputed as the first government in Africa to introduce free education…Today Awolowo is being celebrated annually by the entire Yoruba… so the issue of derivation is rooted in the Land Use Act, but the quest for derivation is based on the operative principle of the Federal Government in the 1960 and in the 1963 constitution. That was what obtained then; it then follows that what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander (The Guardian Newspaper of March 15, 2009.) Distinguished audience, what is evident from this according to Chris Ikporukpo : (2002:19) is that this over reliance on oil for the stay of the nation’s economy was seen as pursuing even developments in all parts of the country ,using the proceeds from petroleum resources. This position was well couched by Allison Ayida thus: I went to Washington D.C as part of delegation to the annual meeting of the boards of Governors of the International Monetary Fund/World Bank, where we away for two weeks. On return, we found that Prof Adebayo Adedeji had submitted to the Federal Executive Council memorandum by the ministries of Finance and Economic Development abolishing the 50% derivation of oil royalties to the oil states principally the Rivers and Midwest. When I returned and approached General Gowon for explanation on what had happened when Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the Minister of Finance and myself were away for two weeks, he apologized for what he appeared to be a ‘coup de grace’ and which appeared to him to be a good thing for the unity of the country. I pointed out the inconsistency in preserving the derivation principle for Cocoa and groundnuts. He thought we should submit a supplementary council Memo on the abolition of derivation principle for cocoa and groundnuts. General Gowon replied that the council has to be consistent and council decided that the Federal Government should occupy ‘the commanding heights of the economy. (Allison Ayida quoted in Ikporukpo:2002) While condemning the existing revenue sharing formula, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi who, incidentally is the Deputy Chairman of the current National conference in 2001, said: It is an act of self- deception for anyone to argue that there is nothing wrong with the Revenue Allocation Formula. We have had basically two systems of revenue allocation in Nigeria. The first system which we practised during the First Republic allowed the North to keep the proceeds from its groundnut and cotton, the west to keep the proceeds from cocoa and the East coal and oil palm produce. Then we changed the system so that the Federal Government got its hand on the proceeds from the on-shore and off-shore crude petroleum and yet we don’t expect the minorities in the oil- producing areas to perceive this as injustice. (Bolaji Akinyemi” Nigeria: A mere geographical expression” The Guardian Newspaper This was like changing the goal post in the middle of a game. The succeeding Federal Government, through various Decrees during the military regimes took control of the country’s petroleum and totally annihilated the principle of derivation. So, how has the oil producing states now fared in terms of principle of derivation? At the time of discovery of oil during the First Republic, it was appropriated 50 percent. Between 1969 and 1971, the then military fighting an expensive civil war expropriated 5 per cent from the 50% meant for the oil-producing states. During the Obasanjo administration between 1976- 1979, a distinction was made between on-shore and offshore proceeds, with all off-shore proceeds going into the Distributive Pool Account .In addition, the share of the on-shore proceeds going into the Distributive Pool Account. The oil -producing States got 20%, while between 1982and 1992, derivation accounted for merely 1.5 percent of oil proceeds. Between 1993 and 1998, the derivation principle was raised to 3 per cent (Ikporukpo:2002) At the inception of the present civilian administration, it was raised to 13 percent. What is somehow curious is why the recourse to changing what was hitherto the practice? Besides, there has been lingering doubts as to whether the Obasanjo Presidency ,paid up all what it was expected in the name of 13 per cent derivation principle, in its first term in office. Clearly, this is outside of the fact that the crises of confidence between the Federal Government and oil- bearing states has not ended especially in respect of the sale of oil blocks and related issues. Reflecting on the 13 per cent derivation principle, the South -South Geo- political Zone, in a position paper preparatory for the 2014 National Conference in Abuja 2014, declared that ‘the derivation principle is a form of compensation for continuing to disposes the oil- bearing states of their interest in their immovable property and depriving them of their own means of subsistence’. They, therefore , pointed out that the 13 per cent derivation paid to oil bearing states was one enshrined injustice in the 1999 constitution, for in the beginning it was not so. Section 140(1) of the Federal Republic Constitution of 1963 posits: There shall be paid by the Federation to each region a sum equal to fifty percent of- the proceeds of any royalty received by the Federation in respect of any minerals extracted from that region. Any miming rents derived by the federation from within that region. Apparently flowing from this, the Delta State Government in its memoranda to the 2014 National Conference, stated The principle of derivation should apply in such a manner that each federating unit receives an agreed percentage of the proceeds from the resources derived from its territory while the balance should go to the Distributable Pool Account (DPA). Accordingly, the people and government of Delta State strongly recommend the following revenue allocation formula: Natural Resource Bearing States - 50 percent, Distributable Pool Account - 50 percent. On the on-shore Offshore dichotomy controversy, It was the position of the Delta state Government that: Recent developments in the oil industry have shown that there is a remarkable shift from on-shore to offshore activities with its attendant environmental impact on the oil producing states. Against this background, we propose that the 200 nautical miles should replace the 200 meters isobaths in the spirit of justice equity and fairness. Since the birth of democracy, there have been stringent calls for the enhancement of the derivation principle known as Resource control. This call for resource control is anchored on the belief that the Niger Delta, though the goose that lays the golden egg, is largely under-developed. Godini Darah belongs to this school of thought, he said: The 13 per cent derivation clause does not meet the benchmark of fiscal federalism. The clause says that all revenue going into the Federation Account shall be distributed according to the principles of population, equality of states, internal revenue generation, land mass, terrain as well as population density, “provided that the principle of derivation shall be constantly reflected in any approved formula as being not less than thirteen percent of the revenue accruing to the Federation Account directly from any natural resources.” Therefore, for him, 13 per cent derivation is grossly in adequate to carry out the massive development that is required in the Niger Delta. Indeed, the South /south region so disturbed about the under development of the region, noted that since oil is a wasting asset, there was need for increased revenue to the producing states, which would enable them leverage on development and take proactive steps to remediate their gravely despoiled and damaged environment. In the 2014 National Conference, the battle for an increase from the Niger delta delegates had been quite vociferous ; but, as was expected, the opposition from the non -oil bearing states was also deafening, so, the oil -bearing states could only get a 5 per cent marginal increase. Many had seen this as an increase when compared to the fact that, at the height of the National Political Conference of 2005, the proponents of increased derivation got an additional 4 per cent increase despite asking for a minimum of 25 percent, with a phased review to 50 per cent. As it happened in 2005, in the 2014 parley, the non oil-bearing delegates have advanced reasons why more funds should not be given to the oil bearing states, thus leading to polarization between the North and South. Intact, the divisiveness of the derivation principle was so evident and cantankerous that, even the initial agreement for a marginal increase ( from 13 to 18 per cent)and the devotion of 5 per cent to the development of the insurgency inflicted North- East geo political region, otherwise agreed upon ,was, as the National Conference wound up, jettisoned. It remained unclear, as at the time of this write-up how the divisive issue would be handled to conclusive mutual agreement to all stake holders. At present, in revenue allocation in Nigeria, population, size and the equality of the states have been the most important criteria for revenue allocation. The implication of this is that due to the smallness of the oil producing states and their apparent small population, since size and population are part of the sharing formula, they are obviously disadvantaged. So on all sides; the people of the Niger Delta are hopelessly disadvantaged. So much so that that the criterion which implies the allocation of more funds to the states which contribute more to the centrally- collected revenue, which was a very important criterion in early years especially before mid 1960, has been down played. The factors of land area that is more revenue to large states, social development and internal revenue generation of the states are also important. Your Excellency, distinguished audience, the situation in the Niger Delta is so grim despite the massive effort of the Ministry of Niger Delta, Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the various state governments and their oil- development agencies to develop the area due to long term neglect not in any way caused by the dramatis personae in the Fifth republic. It is , in this sense that I join other Nigerians in pleading with the concerned authorities that, if there are still statutory funds belonging to NDDC, that are yet to be released to them,( except there are compelling reasons not to do so),they should be released as this will further accelerate development in the area. CONCLUSION We have taken a brief historical overview of the issues in the Niger Delta. It is important to state that the perception of the issue discussed so far was at the centre of the Niger Delta issues. The issues centre on the political economy of oil and oil exploitation and production. Due to the fact that the people feel cheated, used and abused, they have resorted to acts which many have termed as criminality and lawlessness. These acts of lawlessness fit superbly into the position of Homans ‘that when justice places people at a disadvantage, they are likely to be angry’. However, I must sincerely thank the President, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan and governors of the Niger Delta for enunciating informed policies and program me that have seen to the radical reduction of restiveness in the area. One also needs to commend the late President Musa Yar ‘dua for creating the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and for his foresight in granting amnesty to the then “militants’ We need not stress the fact that, though Nigeria is a plural society, the fact also remains that to take care of the negativities in such plural societies, we adopted the federal system of government, principally to cater for diverse interests. If these arguments are correct, it follows that our idea of justice must not be selective, and ought to be applied in all circumstances to give each part of the federating unit a sense of belonging, that is, if we are truly operating a federal system. I, therefore, fully align with the position of my state and that of the South- South States on the issue of Fiscal Federalism and the principle of derivation for such is the only way to go, in order to give everyone a sense of belonging in the Nigerian state. In the main time, I think we have not fully utilized the provisions of the 1999 constitution on this issue of derivation, which only gave a minimum of 13 percent derivation. This ought not to be the bench mark,the lowest minimum- as there exists a provision for an increment in the constitution which states: provided that the principle of derivation shall be constantly reflected in any approved formula as being not less than thirteen percent of the revenue accruing to the Federation Account directly from any natural resources.” Thank you for your attention.
Posted on: Sat, 19 Jul 2014 20:05:56 +0000
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