NIUEAN MIGRATION. TO AUCKLAND .. NZ .. . MOST OF WHY.. NIUEANS LEFT NIUE.. FOR A BRIGHTER FUTURE... During the mid-19th century, Niueans joined the labour trade in Samoa, Tahiti, Hawaii, Fiji, and Australia. Many Niuean men emigrated to Samoa in order to work on the cotton plantations (Talagi 1991, 119). Mining was another factor in labour migration (both voluntary and involuntary); for example, in 1868 ‘blackbirders’ such as Bully Hayes took 60 men and 30 women from Niue to work in the phosphate mines in Eastern Polynesia (Loeb 1926). Later, during the 20th century, labour migration increased due to the discovery of guano deposits on Malden Island in Kiribati (South Pacific Commission Report, 1983, No 11 Niue). This labour migration meant that large numbers of people were living away from Niue and other Pacific states. For example, more Wallis and Futuna shipping personnel worked in the New Caledonia nickel industry (9,000) than in their own countries (7,000). The phosphate mines in Nauru also employed Gilbertese and Ellice Islanders and Chinese from Hong Kong. Niuean migrants followed these trends and employment opportunities. Military bases in the Pacific were also a staging arena for labour migration. For example, Filipinos in Guam were connected with the American military bases there. This created a movement from the Pacific towards America as intermarriage occurred between US service personal and Filipino residents. Since the 1900s, the USA has also recruited American Samoans into the Navy and Army, leading to more international Pacific migration. The relocation of military operations from American Samoa to Hawaii and California also led to major movements, as did similar trends in New Caledonia where France has a military presence. These recruitments and transfers are important for Pacific migration and have affected Niue given Niueans’ informal (i.e., individual) involvement in military matters since World War I (Rex and Vivian 1982). Later phases of migration occurred after World War II when rapid growth in the larger states bordering the Pacific rim led to increasing demands for labour. In New Zealand, Australia and the US, employment opportunities generated larger scale international labour migration possibilities and heralded a change from migration within the Pacific to migration out of the region. It was during this period and under these circumstances that the major emigration from Niue occurred (Crocombe 1971). The 1970s saw a trend towards major international Niuean migration. The opening of an international airport in 1971 established a transportation route that allowed easy movement in and out of Niue. Cheaper airfares in the 1980s ensured that individuals’ ability to leave increased at a rapid rate. Another major factor was the process of ‘internal self government’ granted in free association with New Zealand in October 1974. This gave Niueans New Zealand citizenship. Between 1966 and 1984, Niue lost over 40 per cent of its population to Aotearoa. As Douglas notes, ‘I would say that well over one-half of all Niueans at that point had decided to follow their impartial colonial administrators to Auckland rather than remain on the Island to be subjected to what they thought were the biases of their own people’ (1987, 188). Moreover, the influence of the extended families already living in Auckland motivated other members to leave, which in turn created ‘chain migration’. The most common and significant motivations for migration from Pacific islands such as Niue are economic: the perceived rewards of employment, relatively high wages and the added bonus of a ‘better’ education system (Tuhega 1977). Writers such as Talagi (1991) have also suggested that a major factor in Pacific migration is the search for recreational activities such as cinemas and public bars, which become available with higher, more secure, personal incomes. Thus the features of migration from Pacific states such as Niue are complex and interlinked and we must be careful to avoid generalisations or simplifications of this dynamic phenomenon. Some factors are individualistic; for instance, Tuhega (1977) states that his parents decided to leave Niue because of land tenure problems and because education opportunities were limited for his children as only a small number of children were selected to go overseas on study scholarships. Political factors have also contributed to Niuean migration. Talagi suggests that ‘the attitude of central government was that Niueans who were dissatisfied with government policies would be better off elsewhere—this was aimed at public servants in and the general population in general’ (1991, 124; see also Douglas 1987). The physical features of Niue also influence migration; Niue is a small atoll with limited resources. The physical resources of Niue are poor; available land is limited due to scrub and forest, and the high proportion of coral means that soil fertility is low. Water comes from bores and there are no running streams or rivers (Spoonley 1975; Talagi 1991). All of these factors mean that life in Niue largely revolves around the hard physical survival mode of plantation work. This involves clearing land for planting, weeding, nurturing and harvesting; all of which is done in the burning hot weather. Traditional cultivation methods are time consuming and hard to maintain. However, for many families, subsistence agriculture is a daily routine necessary to supplement the daily diet. This lifestyle is difficult and can encourage Niuean people to leave. The ‘physically easier and relaxed lifestyle’ found in New Zealand may be the principal ‘pull factor’ in Niuean migration to New Zealand (Douglas 1987). Even factory work can be perceived in terms of relative ‘ease’ compared with the tough life of ‘bush work’ on Niuean plantations (Talagi 1991). Hurricanes and storms have played havoc with the economy of Niue. For example, Cyclone Ofa in 1990 practically devastated the island. Most homes and plantations were demolished, leaving many people homeless. The most recent cyclone that hit Niue was the Cyclone Heta in 2004, which destroyed a number of homes and land. For many, the only option was to leave. Niue’s agricultural productivity is also affected by such weather patterns. In the early 1960s and 1970s, lime and passion fruit industries were developed. The 1980s saw the commercial production of coconut cream and in the 1990s taro production for export occurred. However, these agricultural ventures have not been successful for a number of reasons and Talagi suggests that morale among plantation growers has decreased, encouraging further migration (Talagi 1991). Today, agricultural production output is scarce and since only a few of the crops (such as taro) are exported, plantation growers are often frustrated by not gaining enough income to maintain a viable living. Added to this are the poor transportation facilities such as shipping services which only visit Niue once a month and air transport which occurs on a weekly basis. These problems with agricultural production may motivate international migration for landowners and non-landowners alike. The colonial relationship between Niue and New Zealand has led to the influx of Western philosophies concerned with gaining social and economic opportunities found in Aotearoa. For example, the education system in Niue is limited in both resources and teaching facilities. Education is free and compulsory for all Niuean children, but currently there is only one primary school and one high school, and both primary and secondary curricula are based on the New Zealand system (with a few modifications). The standard education is set for the New Zealand National Certificate in Educational Achievement (NCEA). Only a few selected students are chosen for scholarships to enter New Zealand high schools. There are also the University of the South Pacific extension centre courses. For many youngsters growing up on Niue, the desire to remain at home in Niue is strongly linked to the availability of employment. For example, two young Niuean students interviewed for the Television New Zealand documentary Death on the Rock (Television New Zealand 1989) stated that if they were to gain employment with the government they would remain on Niue, however both suggested that the alternative was to migrate to New Zealand. One other significant issue was the key decisions made by the first Niuean government. Funding that was allocated to particular firms did not develop to its full potential. For example, in one case, funding was given to the premier’s son-in-law for projects that were not developed. One MP suggested that nepotism was a key issue at the time of funding these organisations (Television New Zealand 1989). This particular event also pushed many dissatisfied Niueans to migrate overseas.
Posted on: Tue, 29 Apr 2014 01:35:59 +0000
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