“People Power and Elite Democracy in the Philippines” - TopicsExpress



          

“People Power and Elite Democracy in the Philippines” In February 1986, the combined forces of the military and the civil society, known as the people’s power uprising, ousted the dictatorial government of Ferdinand Edralin Marcos, who ruled the Philippines for 20 years. This phenomenon of people power have a huge impact to the Philippine society as the people began to raise their voices demanding more reforms but despite the success, the traditional elites reassert themselves back to power through the Presidency of Corazon Aquino. In this research paper, I am going to talk about how the uprising had just pass the political power from one group of elites to another and how the Filipino society remained unchanged from pre-Martial Law era despite the success of the so-called Philippine People Power Revolution. The people’s power uprising help restore democracy in the Philippines and democratic system was re-introduced but despite the hype, Philippine democracy remained dormant and the Aquino regime were not interested to overhaul and reform the current system. The reason for this was that Corazon Aquino herself was part of the traditional landed elites and she partly owed her rise to power from the anti-Marcos elites, whom the dictator dismantled during the Martial Law era. According to Sheila S. Coronel, “Corazon Aquino, née Cojuangco, a direct descendant of the old oligarchy, in the end remained loyal to her family, her friends, and her class. Her government restored the oligarchy, including her kin, to the traditional cradle of its rule: a noisy, perennially wrangling Congress.” Stanley Karnow added that, “Cory was not a revolutionary determined to renovate the society from top to bottom. Essentially conservative, as befit a member of her class, she sought to resurrect the institutions dismantled by Marcos rather than construct a new system. In the process, she revived the old dynasties he had dispossessed, including her own family, and they jockeyed to regain their former positions of privilege.” Thus, the rise of Corazon Aquino to presidency and the success of the people’s power uprising signals the return of the traditional elites and this time competing with the pro-Marcos elites. Aquino restored the old order that started back to the American era. The contemporary Philippine politics, where powerful traditional elites dominate, traced its origin from the American colonial era when American colonial government sought to assimilate Filipino leaders to help run the country. The Americans relied to the local elites in governing the masses and running the bureaucracy, in exchange the Filipino landed elites took this kind of opportunity and used it to advance their wealth, and to gain political power. According to Sheila S. Coronel, “American officials were already coddling a native elite that was to prosper under Washington’s patronage. The sons of these elite were tutored in the art of governance by Americans who wanted to create a Pacific showcase for U.S.-style democracy.” Coronel added that, “Since 1907, a landed elite has relied on state resources and American support to sustain its rule, securing its dominance of local and national elective posts by dispensing patronage.” Niels Mulder added that, “Because of American dependence on the cooperation of the local elites, the latter acquired a good measure of the political power with which they could strengthen their hold on the political economy; soon they came to see the country as their private preserve.” Thus, the elites, who were the first of the natives to collaborate with the Americans, were able to establish themselves in dominating Philippine politics right from the start. Post-war Philippine politics, after independence, was a continuation of the Commonwealth politics. However, unlike the Commonwealth era, where the most dominant and influential leader (Manuel Quezon) dominates the pre-war politics through patronage and nepotism, the political power in the post-war period was competed or shared between the elites or by their puppets. In addition, traditional elites continued to dominate the bicameral Congress of the Philippines and made sure they were able to cement their power and influence. Their political dominance questioned the democratic system claimed by these so-called leaders and that the Congress never represents the interests of the majority. According to Viberto Selochan, “The small elite who controlled the political process realized that each party would have its turn in government. The Nacionalista and the Liberal parties, which differed little ideologically, dominated politics, and politicians switched parties to gain office. But the democratic system that developed did not represent the majority of the population.” People power uprising restored this Philippine-style of democracy where the local, regional and national politics are dominated by these so-called elites. Thus, Philippine society destined to remain unchanged, after the people’s power uprising, because of the restored dominance of these powerful political and economic elites. Their dominance caused discontent among the masses and the military establishment. Alan T. Wood points out that, “On the surface, therefore, Philippine democracy appears successful. It is only by looking more deeply that the serious limitations begin to appear.” On this, he was right, democracy in the Philippines failed right from the beginning and displeasure from the other elements of the society, such as the military, bound to threaten the old order. Most of the Philippine presidents from the American period to the independence, from the independence to the declaration of Martial Law and from the Martial Law era to the people’s power republic, were part or at least associated with the traditional elites. Though directly elected to the top, most of them were bound to break their promises and they never represented the interests of the majority. Most are members of powerful political dynasties (Osmeña, Roxas, Laurel, Marcos, Aquino) or at least bound to start their own dynasties (Magsaysay, Macapagal, Estrada), and this is just at the national level. Most of them appointed members of their own class and many of those appointees were able to hold higher positions, in Philippine bureaucracy and polity, without merits. Such habit of patronage and nepotism caused discontents within the ranks of the military. Many military officers served the government of Ramon Magsaysay in the 1950s and subsequently or partly emulated, by Presidents Ferdinand Marcos, Fidel Ramos and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. However, their appointments to government positions cut shorts by the time their political patron (as in the President who appointed them) finished their term, political appointees from the traditional elites replaced them. Their disappointment and their experience leads them to a belief that they, in the military, can run the government more properly than the traditional politicians and their clans, and that democracy in the Philippines did not represent the majority of the Filipino people. Viberto Selochan points out that. “Some officers also believed that these civilians had achieved their positions as a result of political patronage rather than merit.” Selochan added that, “Democracy in the Philippines, according to many of these officers, benefited the elite who controlled the political process. The majority of Filipinos, they argued, did not understand the concept of democracy; for them it meant being paid to vote for a candidate at elections.” Their discontent has lead to several military coup attempts in the late 80s and the first decade of the Twenty-First Century. Thus, the military’s discontent can undermined the so-called elite democracy and the continuing dominance of the elites belittled the success of the people’s power. In the local and regional level, political elite clans competed for local positions from Councillors to Mayors and from Congressmen to Governors, while others aspired for a seat in the Senate. Before, during and after Martial Law, most of these elite politicians went as far as assassinations, briberies, patronage and nepotism, in order to be elected. Part 1 of the known facts of the Elite Politics
Posted on: Mon, 26 Jan 2015 05:47:21 +0000

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