Political system is the weak leg of the tripod: lessons from a PHD thesis. JOHANNESBURG - A brief reflection of the major themes dominating local news headlines now and since the onset of the global financial crisis would lead many to conclude that SA is, at the least, struggling. There is no need here to rehash the narratives which describe a stuttering economy, chronic levels of crime and unemployment, a crumbling education system, pervasive public and private sector corruption and a growing distrust of our civil servants and government. The fact alone that levels of inequality have worsened since inequality was legislated under apartheid, with SA now rated amongst the most economically divisive places on earth, should be enough to inspire either serious apathy or deep-seated despair. In short it all seems rather gloomy. Gloomy enough for Wynand Greffrath, a PHD student at North West University’s school for Social and Government studies to embark on a thesis seeking to answer the question “Is SA a dysfunctional state?” “The South African state is showing worrying symptoms of illness, which have prompted a discourse on the prospects of state failure,” he says. “The signs are there, yes, but understanding them requires a nuanced approach.” To understand how far along the road of dysfunction SA is, Greffrath’s thesis holds that a holistic, three-pronged analysis, is required. The three spheres are societal, international and political. “Every state is continuously in a dynamic position of interaction with domestic and international spheres, as well as with itself as a set of political institutions,” he writes. The societal sphere is concerned with the state’s ability to secure a centralised form of power. Dysfunction here would occur with the emergence of notable armed or subversive strong men or warlords which pose a threat to state stability as they seek to secure some form of territorial independence. Coup de etas or territorial succession would result. Dysfunction in the international sphere relates to a state’s paradoxical dependence on international aid and a simultaneous need to remove itself from international involvement. In the most extreme situation, a state’s inability to ensure the security of its borders from foreign interference or in the face of war could lead to an acute breakdown of functionality. With respect to the international and societal sphere’s SA shows relative stability, writes Greffrath. The ANC has secured a centralised power framework while SA has not been at war since the turn of democracy and is relatively well-integrated with the international community. While worrying signs have started to show, pointing toward some deterioration in SA’s functionality in the societal and international spheres it is in the political sphere where we face the greatest threat of dysfunction. The political sphere “A pronounced risk of state dysfunction manifests in the arena of political institutions and the apparatus of the state itself, where patrimonial rule appears to be the order of the day,” writes Greffrath. “Patrimonial rule implies that a ruling party governs a state as paterfamilias would his family. “Power is entirely personalised through complex and disperse networks of favour and patronage and authority no longer emanates from political institutions, but from politicians themselves, as the party chairman becomes more powerful than the President of the Republic. “This dynamic may harbour fatal consequences for the functionality of the South African state. “The practice of cadre employment has decimated expertise and capability in state institutions, from municipalities to parastatal enterprises. “In the mid-nineties, virtually overnight, accumulated knowledge was replaced with political ideology under the banner of transformation. “The resultant decay is staggering, as evidenced by the annual reports from the Auditor General’s office that recount the scandalous mismanagement of public funds (up to R25 billion in 2012), and the deterioration of physical infrastructure (electricity, roads, sanitation, especially in rural areas). “The sustained nature of this squandering of state resources, coupled with the lack of political will to act decisively in remedying corruption, has prompted a public backlash in the form of violent protests (1019 during 2011/2012), usually centring on the issue of “service delivery” (a major prospective fault line of South African state dysfunction). “Of particular concern, is the systemic manner with which the common good (public interest) has been subverted for private interest. “Factionalism within the ANC has attained violent dimensions, as political assassinations become more regular (five in KZN last year alone), and increasingly greedy and desperate comrades jockey for power. “Jacob Zuma’s brand of patrimonial politics (casting himself as the father figure, complete with kraal) has divided both his party and the public, leading to conflict in the tripartite alliance and its leaders. “This factional division is contrasted by incremental centralisation in government and bureaucracy, aided in no small part by close control of the intelligence community and security forces (what has been referred to as the “securocratisation of the state”). “It is clear that the fusion of party and state has compromised South Africa’s political institutions, both in the ANC and the apparatus of state. “As such, the true test for the integrity of the South African state will be when simmering party-political and public discontent boils to the surface and exacerbates the fault lines of dysfunction that currently lay dormant. “If such a disruptive dynamic emerges, South Africa’s relatively stable domestic and international spheres may themselves turn into arenas of conflict. “In conclusion, South Africa is not yet a failing state. It is to a certain extent fortuitous that dysfunction is localised in the political dynamic of the ruling party, since it presents a clear target for remedial action, should the political climate ever favour such an intervention. “The flipside of that same coin is the disquieting manner in which the ANC and the state have become one, the latter seen as the personal domain of the former. “This begs the question: When the party fails, will the state fail with it?”
Posted on: Fri, 05 Jul 2013 10:13:23 +0000
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