The Companions who narrated the Tradition of Ghadir Khum At least - TopicsExpress



          

The Companions who narrated the Tradition of Ghadir Khum At least 110 companions of the Prophet (PBUH) narrated the tradition of Ghadir Khum. Here are their names listed alphabetically (sorted in Arabic), followed by some of the Sunni references in which their traditions are located. Most of them heard it first hand at the site. 1. Abu Huraira al-Dowsi (d. 57~59): * al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, in Tarikh Baghdad, v8, p290; from two ways. * Abi al-Hajjaj al-Mazzi, in Tahdhib al-Kamal fi asmaa al-rijal; * Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, in Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, v7, p327; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in al-Manaqib, p 130; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; * al-Jazri, in Asna al-Matalib, p3; * Jalalulddin al-Suyuti, in al-Durr al-Manthoor, v2, p259; * Jalalulddin al-Suyuti, in Tarikh al-Khulafaa, p114; * Hamawaini, in Faraid al-Samtain; * Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p154, p403; also from 12 companions; * Ibn Abd al-Bar, in al-Istiab, v2, p473; * Ibn Kathir, in al-bidaya wal Nihaya, v5, p214; from various narrators; * Abi Bakr al-Jaabi, in Nukhab al-Manaqib; via al-Surawi in al-Manaqib, v1, p529; * al-Badukhshi, in Nuzul al-Abrar, p20. 2. Abu Laila al-Ansari (d. 37 in Siffin): * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Manaqib al-Khawarizmi, p35; * al-Suyuti, in Tarikh al-Khulafaa, p114; * al-Samhoudi, in Jawahir al-Aqdain. 3. Abu Zainab Ibn Aouf al-Ansari: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v3, p307; and v5, p205; * Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, in al-Isabah, v3, p408; and v4, p80. 4. Abu Fadhalah al-Ansari (who took part in the battle of Badr, was martyred in Siffin while he was with Ali ( * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v3, p307; and v5, p205; * al-Qadhy Bahlool Bahjat, in Tarikh Aali Muhammad, p67. 5. Abu Qidamah al-Ansari: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v4, p159; and v5, p276; * al-Samhoudi, in Jawahir al-Aqdain. 6. Abu Umrou Ibn Muhsin al-Ansari: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v3, p307; 24 * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; 7. Abu al-Haitham Ibn al-Tihan (d. 37 in Siffin): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; * al-Samhoudi al-Shafii, in Jawahir al-Aqdain. * al-Qadhy, in Tarikh Aali Muhammad, p67. 8. Abu Rafi al-Qabti (Servent of the Messenger of Allah): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; 9. Abu Thuwaib Khuwailid (or Khalid) Ibn Khalid Ibn Muhrith al-Hathli (the pre-islamic and post-islamic poet, died during the reign of Uthman): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt, in section 4. 10. Abu Bakr Ibn Abi Qahafah al-Taymi (the First Caliph, d. 13): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * al-Mansour al-Razi, in al-Ghadir * Shams al-Din al-Jazri al-Shafii, in Asna al-Matalib, p3. 11. Usamah Ibn Zaid Ibn Harithah al-Kalbi (d. 54) * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; 12. Ubay Ibn Kaab al-Ansari: * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; in al-Yaqin, section 37; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * Shams al-Din al-Jazri al-Shafii, in Asna al-Matalib, p4. 13. Asmaa bint Umaice al-Khadhamiya * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; in al-Yaqin, section 37; 14. Um Salmah (wife of the Prophet): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Samhoudi al-Shafii, in Jawahir al-Aqdain. * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p40; * Ahmed Ibn al-Fadhl Ibn Muhammed ba-Kathir al-Makki al-Shafii, in Wasilat al-Ma-al. 16. Um Hani bint Abi Talib: * al-Bazzar, in Musnad al-Bazzar; * al-Samhoudi al-Shafii, in Jawahir al-Aqdain. * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p40; * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; 17. Abu Hamzah Anas Ibn Malik al-Ansari al-Khazraji (the servent of the Prophet, d. 93): * al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, in Tarikh Baghdad, v7, p377; * Ibn Qutaibah al-Daynouri, in al-Maarif, p291; * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; * al-Suyuti, in Tarikh al-Khulafaa, p114; from al-Tabarani; * Muttaqqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p154, p403; * al-Badukhshi, in Nuzul al-Abrar, p20; from al-Tabarani & al-Khatib. * Shams al-Din al-Jazri al-Shafii, in Asna al-Matalib, p4. 18. Baraa Ibn Azib al-Ansari al-Awsi (d. 72): * Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, in al-Musnad, v4, p281; from two ways; * Ibn Majah, in Sunan ibn Majah, v1, p28-29; * al-Nisai, in al-Khasais, p16; * al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, in Tarikh Baghdad, v14, p236; * Ibn Jarir al-Tabari, in Tafsir al-Tabari, v3, p428; * Abi al-Hajjaj al-Mazzi, in Tahdhib al-Kamal fi Asmaa al-rijal; * al-Thalabi, in al-Kashf wal Bayan; * Ibn Abd al-Bar, in al-Istiab, v2, p473; * Muhib al-Din al-Tabari, in al-Riyadh al-Nadhirah, v2, 169; * Muhib al-Din al-Tabari, in Dhakhair al-Aqabi, p67; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in al-Manaqib, p94; * Ibn al-Sabbagh al-Maliki, in al-Fusool al-Muhimmah, p25; * al-Hafiz al-Ganji al-Shafii, in Kifayat al-Talib, p14; * al-Fakhr al-Razi, in Tafsir al-Fakhr al-Razi, v3, p636; 25 * al-Nisaboori, in Tafsir al-Nisaboori, v6, p194; * Jamaluddin al Zarandi, in Nudhum Durar al-Samtain; * al-Jame al-Saghir, v2, p555; * Mishkat al-Masabeeh, p557; * Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p152, p397; * Ibn Kathir, in al-Bidayah wal Nihayah, v5, p209; v7, p349; * ... Several others from the above sources. 19. Baridah Ibn al-Hasib Abu-Sahal al-Aslami (d. 63): * al-Hakim, in Mustadrak al-Hakim, v3, p110; * Abu Nuaym al-Isbahani, in Hilyat al-Awliyaa, v4, p23; * Ibn Abd al-Bar, in al-Istiab, v2, p473; * Shams al-Din al-Jazri, in Asna al-Matalib, p3; * al-Suyuti, in Tarikh al-Khulafaa, p114; * al-Jame al-Saghir, v2, p555; * al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p397; * al-Badukhshi, in Nuzul al-Abrar, p20; * Tafsir al-Manar, v6, p464. 20. Abu Said, Thabit Ibn Wadia al-Ansari al-Khazraji al-Madani: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v3, p307; v5, p205; * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Qadhy, in Tarikh Aali Muhammad, p67. 21. Jabir Ibn Samrah Ibn Janadah, Abu Sulaiman al-Suwai (d. 70~74): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt, section 4; * al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p398; 22. Jabir Ibn Abdullah al-Ansari (d. 73/74/78 in Madina): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * Ibn Abd al-Bar, in al-Istiab, v2, p473; * Abi al-Hajjaj al-Mazzi, in Tahdhib al-Kamal fi asmaa al-rijal; * Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, in Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, v7, p337; * al-Hafiz al-Ganji al-Shafii, in Kifayat al-Talib, p16; * Ibn Kathir, in al-Bidayah wal Nihayah, v5, p209; * Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p398; * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p41; * Shams al-Din al-Jazri al-Shafii, in Asna al-Matalib, p3. * al-Thalabi, in Tafsir al-Thalabi 23. Jublah Ibn Amrou al-Ansari: * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; 24. Jubair Ibn Mutam Ibn Uday al-Qurashi al-Nawfali (d. 57/58/59): * al-Qadhy Bahlool Bahjat, in Tarikh Aali Muhammad, p67. * Shahab al-Din al-Hamadani, in Mawaddat al-Qurba; * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p31, p336. 25. Jarir Ibn Abdullah Ibn Jabir al-Bajali (d. 51/54): * al-Haythami, in Majma al-Zawaid, v9, p106; from al-Mujam al-Kabir of al-Tabarani; * al-Suyuti, in Tarikh al-Khulafaa, p114; from al-Tabarani; * Muttaqqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p154, p399; * Ibn Kathir, in al-Bidayah wal Nihayah, v7, p349; 26. Abu Dhar al-Ghafari, Jundub Ibn Janadah (d. 31): * Hamawaini, in Faraid al-Samtayn, section 58; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * Shams al-Din al-Jazri al-Shafii, in Asna al-Matalib, p4. 27. Abu Junaidah, Junda Ibn Amrou Ibn Mazin al-Ansari: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v1, p308; * al-Qadhy Bahlool Bahjat, in Tarikh Aali Muhammad, p67. 28. Habbah Ibn Juwayn, Abu Qudamah al-Urani al-Bajali (d. 76-79): * al-Haythami, in Majma al-Zawaid, v9, p103; * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Doolabi, in al-Kuna wal Asmaa, v2, p88; * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v1, p367; * Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, in al-Isabah, v1, p372; 26 * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p34; 29. Hubshi Ibn Janadah al-Salouli: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v3, p307; v5, p205; * Muhib al-Din al-Tabari, in al-Riyadh al-Nadhirah, v2, p169; * al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, in Kanz al-Ummal, v6, p154; * Ibn Kathir, in al-Bidayah wal Nihayah, v5, p211; v7, p349. * al-Haythami, in Majma al-Zawaid, v9, p106; * al-Suyuti, in Tarikh al-Khulafaa, p114; * Shams al-Din al-Jazri, in Asna al-Matalib, p4; 30. Habib Ibn Badil Ibn Warqaa al-Khazai: * Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah, v1, p368; * Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, in al-Isabah, v1, p304; 31. Hudhaifa Ibn Usaid, Abu Sarihah, al-Ghafari (from the companions who plegde under the Tree, d. 40~42): * al-Tirmidhi, in Sahih al-Tirmidhi, v2, p298; * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p38; from Samhood and Ibn Uqdah as in al-Muwalat. * Ibn al-Sabbagh al-Maliki, in al-Fusool al-Muhimmah, p25; * Ibn Kathir, in al-Bidayah wal Nihayah, v5, p211; v7, p348. * Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, in al-Sawaiq al-Muhriqah, p25; * Noor al-Din al-Halabi, in al-Sirah al-Halabiyah, v3, p301; 32. Hudhaifa Ibn al-Yaman al-Yamani (d. 36): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * al-Hakim al-Hasakani, in Duat al-Hudat ila Adaa Haqq al-Muwalat; * al-Jazri, in Asna al-Matalib, p4; 33. Hassan Ibn Thabit (one of the poets of al-Ghadir who composed poem during the ceremony): * Abu Nuaym al-Isbahani (d. 430), in Ma Nazala min al-Quran fi Ali 34. al-Imam, al-Sibt, al-Mujtaba, al-Hasan Ibn Ali (AS): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; 35. al-Imam, al-Sibt, al-Shahid, al-Hussain Ibn Ali (AS): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * Abu Bakr Juabi, in Nakhb al-Manaqib; * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal al-Imam al-Sibt; * al-Hafiz Ibn al-Maghazili al-Shafii, in al-Manaqib; * Abu Nuaym al-Isbahani, in Hilyat al-Awliyaa, v9, p64; Note: from this point, for the sake of brevity, we skip the references under the name of each companion except for the case of few critical individuals. Interested readers can look up the rest of the references in the encyclopedia of al-Ghadir, by Allamah al-Amini (ra), volume 1 of 11. 36. Abu Ayyoub, Khalid Ibn Zaid al-Ansari (d. 50/51/52): 37. Abu Sulaiman, Khalid Ibn al-Walid Ibn al-Mughairah al-Makhzoomi (d. 21/22): 38. Khuzimah Ibn Thabit al-Ansari (Dhul Shahadatain, d. 37 in Siffin): 39. Abu Sharih, Khuwailid Ibn Amrou al-Khuzai (d. 68): 40. Rufaah Ibn Abdul Munthir al-Ansari: 41. Zubair Ibn al-Awwam al-Qurashi (d. 36): 42. Zaid Ibn Arqam al-Ansari al-Khazraji (d. 66~68): 43. Abu Said, Zaid Ibn Thabit (d. 45~48): 44. Zaid/Yazid Ibn Sharahil al-Ansari: 45. Zaid Ibn Abdullah al-Ansari: 46. Abu Ishaq, Sad Ibn Abi Waqqas (d. 54-58): 47. Sad Ibn Janadah al-Awfi: 48. Sad Ibn Abadah al-Ansari al-Khazraji (d. 14~15) 49. Abu Said, Sad Ibn Malik al-Ansari al-Khudri (d. 63/65/74): 50. Said Ibn Zaid al-Qurashi al-Adwi (d. 50~51): 51. Said Ibn Sad Ibn Abadah al-Ansari: 52. Abu Abdullah, Salman al-Farsi (d. 36~37): 53. Abu Muslim, Salmah Ibn Umrou Ibn al-Akwa al-Aslami (d. 74): 54. Abu Sulaiman, Samrah Ibn Jundab al-Fazari (d. 58~60): 55. Sahl Ibn Hanif al-Ansari al-Awsi (d. 38): 56. Abu al-Abbas, Sahl Ibn Sad al-Ansari al-Khazaraji al-Saidi (d. 91): 57. Abu Imamah, al-Sadi Ibn Ajlan al-Bahili (d. 86): 27 58. Dhamirah al-Asadi: 59. Talha Ibn Ubaidullah al-Timimi (d. 36): 60. Amir Ibn Umair al-Numairi: 61. Amir Ibn Laila Ibn Dhamrah: 62. Amir Ibn Laila al-Ghafari: 63. Abu al-Tufail, Amir Ibn Wathilah al-Laithi (d. 100/102/108/110): 64. Aisha Ibn Abi Bakr Ibn Abi Qahafah (wife of the Prophet): 65. Abbas Ibn Abdul Muttalib Ibn Hashim (Uncle of the Prophet): 66. Abdul Rahman Ibn Abdu-Rabb al-Ansari: 67. Abu Muhammad, Abdul Rahman Ibn Aouf al-Qurashi al-Zuhri (d. 31/32): 68. Abdul Rahman Ibn Yamur al-Daili: 69. Abdullah Ibn Abi Abdul Asad al-Makhzoomi: 70. `Abdullah Ibn Badil Ibn Warqaa (d. 37 in Siffin): 71. Abdullah Ibn Bashir al-Mazini: 72. Abdullah Ibn Thabit al-Ansari: 73. Abdullah Ibn Jaafar Ibn Abi Talib al-Hashimi (d. 80): 74. Abdullah Ibn Hantab al-Qurashi al-Makhzoomi: 75. Abdullah Ibn Rabia: 76. Abdullah Ibn Abbas (d. 68): 77. Abdullah Ibn Abi Ofa Alqamah al-Aslami (d. 86/87): 78. Abu Abdul Rahman, Abdullah Ibn Umar Ibn al-Khattab al-Udawi (d. 72/73): 79. Abu Abdul Rahman, Abdullah Ibn Masoud al-Hathli (d. 32/33): 80. Abdullah Ibn Yamil/Yamin: 81. Uthman Ibn Affan (d. 35): 82. Ubaid Ibn Azib al-Ansari: 83. Abu Tarif, Uday Ibn Hatam (d. 68): 84. Atiya Ibn Busr al-Mazini: 85. Aqabah Ibn Amir al-Jahani: 86. Amirul Mouminin, Ali ibn Abi Talib (AS): 87. Abul Yaqdhan, Ammar Ibn Yasir al-Unsi al-Shahid (in Siffin 37): 88. Ammar al-Khazraji al-Ansari (d. ied the day of Yamamah): 89. Umar Ibn Abi Salmah Ibn Abdul Asad al-Makhzoomi (his mother Um Salmah was the wife of the Prophet): 90. Umar Ibn al-Khattab (d. 23): * Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, in al-Manaqib; * Muhib al-Din al-Tabari, in al-Riyadh al-Nadhirah, v2, p161 & p244; * al-Hafiz Ibn al-Maghazili al-Shafii, in al-Manaqib: Two narrations, one via Abu Hurairah, Umar Ibn al-Khattab said: The Messenger of Allah (s) said: Whomever I was his mawla then Ali is his mawla. * al-Khatib al-Khawarizmi, in Maqtal -Imam al-Sibt; * Ibn Kathir, in al-Bidayah wal Nihayah, v7, p349; * Shams al-Din al-Jazri, in Asna al-Matalib, p3; * Shahab al-Din al-Hamadani, in Mawaddat al-Qurba and in: * al-Qundoozi al-Hanafi, in Yanabi al-Mawaddah, p249: Umar Ibn al-Khattab (ra) said: The Messenger of Allah raised Ali up clearly, and said: Whoever I was his leader [Mawlah] then Ali is his leader [Mawlah], O Allah! Be a guard [Wali] to whomever is his adherent [Walah], and be the enemy to his enemy, forsake the one who forsakes him (abandons him), support the one who supports him. O Allah! You are me witness on them. Umar said: O Messenger of Allah? (i.e. Why Ali?) And there was a young man next to me, with a handsome face and good fragrance. He said to me: O Umar, the Messenger of Allah has agreed to an agreement. No one dissolves it except a hypocrite. Then the Messenger of Allah took my hand and said: O Umar, it is not sons of Adam (i.e., it not a human decision), but Gabriel wanted to make certain to you what I said about Ali. 91. Abu Najid, Imran Ibn Hasin al-Khuzai (d. 52): 92. Amrou Ibn al-Hamq al-Khazai al-Koufi (d. 50): 93. Amrou Ibn Sharahil: 94. Amrou Ibn al-Asy (a poet of al-Ghadir): 95. Amrou Ibn Murrah al-Jahani, Abu Talha or Abu Mariam: 96. al-Siddiqah, Fatimah (AS) (the daughter of the Propet, d. 11): * Ibn Uqdah, in Hadith al-Wilayah; * al-Mansour al-Razi, in al-Ghadir * Shams al-Din al-Jazri al-Shafii, in Asna al-Matalib, p3. * Shahab al-Din al-Hamadani, in Mawaddat al-Qurba: 28 She said: The Messenger of Allah (s) said: Whomever I was his leader [wali], then Ali is his leader [wali]. And whomever I was his Imam then Ali is his Imam. 97. Fatimah bint Hamzah Ibn Abdul Muttalib: 98. Qais Ibn Thabit Ibn Shammas al-Ansari: 99. Qais Ibn Sad Ibn Abadah al-Ansari al-Khazraji: 100. Abu Muhammad, Kab Ibn Ajrah al-Ansari al-Madani (d. 51): 101. Abu Sulaiman, Malik Ibn al-Huwairith (d. 74): 102. al-Miqdad Ibn Amrou al-Kindi al-Zuhri (d. 33): 103. Najiyah Ibn Amrou al-Khazai: 104. Abu Barza, Fadhlah Ibn Atabah al-Aslami (d. 65) 105. Nuaman Ibn Ajlan al-Ansari: 106. Abu Wasmah, Wahshi Ibn Harb al-Habashi al-Humsi: 107. Wahab Ibn Hamzah: 108. Abu Juhaifah, Wahab Ibn Abdullah al-Suwai (d. 74): 109. Hashim al-Murqal Ibn Atabah Ibn Abi Waqqas al-Zuhri al-Madani (d. ied in Siffin year 37): 110. abu Murazim, Yala Ibn Murrah Ibn Wahab al-Thaqafi: ============== More Available ============== * 84 Names of narrators from Tabiin (the following generation of the companions) who narrated the Tradition of Ghadir Khum. * 360 Names of the Sunni Scholars over the past 14 centuries of the Islamic calendar who reported the Tradition of Ghadir Khum. • 22 Documented Protests with some companions and others about the event of Ghadir Khum. How was the Caliphate decided after the death of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)? The Formation of the Caliphal Order at the Saqifah The blessed and fruitful life of the Most Noble Messenger (pbuh), each moment of which had been filled with resplendent deeds, had come to an end. The great founder of Islam, the soul of the world, the savior of mankind, had bid farewell to life and departed for the eternal realm. With his departure the link of revelation with this world was severed, and the heavenly manifestations of that blessed being, to describe which is beyond human power, faded away for ever. May Gods pece be upon him His body had not yet been interred. Ali, some members of the Bani Hashim, and a few Companions were busy washing and enshrouding the body in preparation for burial; they, and they alone, were fully preoccupied with the great blow that had descended and the urgent duty they had to perform. [107] At the very same time, a group of the Helpers had convened a meeting at a pavilion nearby known as the Saqifah of the Bani Saidah in order to settle the matter of succession to the Prophet in conformity with their own wishes. Umar immediately sent a message to Abu Bakr, who at that time was in the house of the Prophet, telling him to join him immediately. Abu Bakr realized that something significant was about to happen, so he left the house and hurried together with Umar to the meeting place where the Helpers were meeting, being joined on the way by Abu Ubaydah b. al-Jarrah. [108] Ahmad Amin, a well-known Sunni and Egyptian writer whose stance toward the followers of the Ahlul Bayt is negative to the point of fanaticism, writes as follows: The Companions of the Prophet (pbuh) were at odds over the question of the succession. It was a sign of their unworthiness that they began arguing over it before the Prophet had even been buried. It was only Ali b. Abi Talib, peace be upon him, who did not behave in this fashion, busying himself instead with the washing, enshrouding and burial of the Prophet The foremost among the Companions were all intriguing over the succession; they had abandoned the body of the Prophet, and no one was present at the burial save Ali and his family, or showed any respect for the one who had guided them and brought them forth from the darkness of ignorance. They did not even wait for the burial to take place before they started fighting with each over his legacy. [109] Different groups were advancing arguments on their own behalf at the Saqifah. The Helpers claimed to be exceptionally privileged in that they had preceded others in Islam, had enjoyed the respect of the Messenger of God, peace and 29 blessings be upon him and his family, and had struggled hard for the sake of Islam; this, they claimed, entitled them to the leadership. They suggested that the reins of power be entrusted to Sad b. Ubadah, and had him brought to the Saqifah even though he was ill. Similarly, the Migrants claimed that they were the most deserving of the leadership, given the fact that they were from the same city as the Prophet and had abandoned everything for the sake of Islam and the Prophet. The logic of both groups derived from an essentially tribal spirit, for they were determined to obtain a monopoly on power for themselves, excluding their rivals and condemning them as less deserving. [110] The discussions wore on and turned into a bitter dispute. The group headed by Umar supported the claims of Abu Bakr, urging everyone to grant him allegiance and threatening anyone who opposed him. Abu Bakr then rose and began to expound the virtues of the Migrants and the services they had performed: The Migrants were the first group to embrace Islam. They despite the arduous circumstances they persevered and refused to abandon monotheism despite the pressures exerted on them by the polytheists. Naturally it should not be forgotten that you, O Helpers, also have rendered great service to Islam and that after the Companions you have primacy over all others. He then added: We must be the rulers (umara), and you, our deputies (wuzara). Hubab b. al-Mundhir then rose and said: O Helpers, you must seize the reins of power so firmly that none dare oppose you. If you permit disagreement among yourselves, you will be defeated, with the result that if we choose a leader for ourselves, they will also choose a leader for themselves. To this Umar responded: There can never be two rulers in one realm. I swear by God that the Arabs will never agree to be ruled by you, for their Prophet was not from among you. Our argument is strong and clear: we are the Companions of the Messenger of God, so who can oppose us, other than those who choose the wrong path or wish to cast themselves into the whirlpool of perdition? Hubab b. al-Mundhir stood up again and said: Pay no heed to what this man says. They want to usurp your rights and to deny you your claims. Take the reins of power into your own hands and banish your opponents, for you are the most worthy to rule. If anyone opposes my proposal, I will rub his nose in the dirt with my sword. Thereupon Umar began to tussle with him and kicked him hard in the stomach. [111] Bashir b. Sad, the cousin of Sad b. Ubadah rose to support what Umar had said. Addressing the Helpers, he proclaimed: It is true that our record of fighting in Gods way and spreading Islam is superior. However, we never had any aim other than Gods pleasure and the satisfaction of His Messenger, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, and it is therefore unfitting that we should boast of precedence over others, for we have no worldly goal. The Prophet was from among the Quraysh, and it is therefore appropriate that his heirs should also be from among them. Fear God, and do not oppose or argue with them. After a further series of discussions and arguments, Abu Bakr addressed the people as follows: Shun dispute and disunity. I desire nothing but your good and your welfare, It is best that you give your allegiance either to Umar or to Abu Ubaydah. To this, however, Umar countered: You are more worthy of ruling than either of us, for you preceded us all in following the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family. In addition to this, your financial resources are greater than those of the rest of us. You were at the side of the Prophet in the cave of Thawr and you led the prayers in his stead. Given all this, who could imagine himself more fitted than you to rule over us? As for Abd al-Rahman b. Awf, he expressed himself as follows: O Helpers, you have indeed many virtuous qualities, which none can deny. We must nonetheless admit that there is none among you comparable to Abu Bakr, Umar and Ali. Mundhir b. al-Arqam supported his view: No one can deny the virtues of those three, and there is in particular one among them whom none will oppose if he assumes the leadership of the Islamic community. By this he meant Ali b. Abi Talib, peace be upon him, and a group of the Helpers accordingly began exclaiming in unison: We will give our allegiance (bayah) to none but Ali. [112] Umar recalls that this outcry caused him to fear the emergence of serious dissension. So I told Abu Bakr to give me his hand for me to swear him allegiance. [113] Without delay Abu Bakr extended his hand. First Bashir b. Sad came forward and grasped his hand as a token of allegiance, and he was followed in this by Umar. Then the others rushed forward and gave Abu Bakr their allegiance. [114] While this was proceeding an argument broke out between Umar and Sad b. Ubadah, with the result that Abu Bakr found it necessary to instruct Umar to calm himself. Sad told his friends to remove him from the scene, so they carried him home on their shoulders. [115] The crowd that had given allegiance to Abu Bakr accompanied him to the mosque so that others might also pledge him their allegiance. Ali, peace be upon him, and Abbas were still engaged in washing the body of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, when they heard cries of Allahu akbar coming from the mosque. Ali asked: 30 What is this uproar? Abbas replied: Something quite unprecedented, and then added, looking at Ali, Did I not tell you that this would happen? [116] Abu Bakr mounted the Prophets pulpit and continued receiving the allegiance of the people until nightfall, without paying any attention to the task of preparing the body of the Prophet for burial. This process continued the following day, and it was not until Tuesday, one day after the death of the Prophet and the pledging of allegiance to Abu Bakr, that the people went to the house of the Prophet to perform the funerary prayers. [117] Neither Abu Bakr nor Umar participated in the burial of the Prophet. [118] Zubayr b. Bakkar writes: After the pledging of allegiance to Abu Bakr was all over, a large number of the Helpers regretted what they had done and began blaming each other and mentioning the claims of Ali. [119] The celebrated historian al-Masudi writes: After the events at the Saqifah, Ali told Abu Bakr, You have trampled on my rights, refused to consult with me, and ignored my claims. Abu Bakrs only answer was to say, Yes, but I was fearful of chaos and disorder. [120] The meeting that took place at the Saqifah was not attended by such prominent personalities as Ali, peace be upon him, Abu Dharr, Miqdad, Salman, Talhah, al-Zubayr, Ubayy b. Kab, and Hudhayfah, and only three of the Migrants were present. Should not all the principal Muslims have been invited to express their views on what was to be done? Was a brief and disorderly meeting, attended by only three of the Migrants, enough to decide on a question on which the future destinies of Islam depended? Did not the gravity of the issue necessitate that it be put before a gathering of the leading Muslims for a final decision to be reached in accordance with their freely expressed views? What right had those who considered themselves entitled to make a decision have to deprive others of the same opportunity and to disregard them completely? If a certain group citing public opinion as its justification choose a leader or ruler for their society, but does so out of the sight of thoughtful and respected individuals, does their choice truly reflect the wishes of the people? When Sad b. Ubadah refused to pledge his allegiance, was it necessary to issue an order for his execution? [121] Historians record that when some of the Bani Hashim as well as the Migrants and the Helpers refused to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr, they took refuge in the house of Fatimah in order to swear allegiance to Ali [122] A crowd then attacked the house and even entered it in order to disperse the dissidents and if possible, compel their allegiance to Abu Bakr. [123] The election of Abu Bakr was so unexpected, hasty and careless that Umar remarked later: It was an accident that Abu Bakr became leader. No consultation or exchange of views took place. If anyone in future invites you to do the same again, kill him. [124] In addition to this, the fact that the first caliph designated his own successor itself demonstrates that the notion of a consultative government having come into being after the death of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, is entirely baseless. The Prophet issued no directive for such a government to be established; if he had, different groups of people would not have proposed to the first caliph that he designate his own successor to prevent the chaos and disorder that would have engulfed Muslim society because of the lack of a leader. [125] The caliph responded to this request of the people by saying that if Abu Ubaydah were alive, he would have appointed him, for the Prophet had called him the trustee of the ummah. Likewise, if Salim the client of Abu Hudhayfah had been alive, he too would have been worthy of the leadership, because he had heard the Prophet describing him as the friend of God. [126] Considering the measures taken by Abu Bakr, how can anyone say that the Messenger of God did not choose a successor before he died? Likewise, the selection of a successor to Umar by a committee he himself appointed was in conformity neither with divine precept nor with the principle of consulting public opinion. If the caliph is meant to appoint his own successor, why turn the matter over to a six-man committee? If, on the other hand, the choice of leader is a prerogative of the people, why did Umar deprive people of this right and assign it exclusively to a committee of his own choosing? He also acted restrictively in that he spoke of certain members of the committee in terms that completely disqualified them for the caliphate. When the Quran expounds the principle of consultation, it orders the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, to consult the people in matters affecting them. (3:159) It proclaims, on another occasion: The affairs of the believers are to be settled by means of consultation. (42:38) What is at issue is consultation concerning social matters, matters that affect the people, not the Imamate which is a divine covenant. Something that is a divine covenant and pertains to the guidance of mankind cannot be a subject for consultation. The adoption of the caliphal system in the fashion we have described led necessarily to the exclusion of the Imams from the realm of rule and leadership. 31 Notes: [107] Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, Vol. V, p.260; al-Yaqubi, al-Tarikh, Vol. II, p. 94; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, Vol. IV, p. 104; al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. II, p. 451; Ibn al-Athir, Usud al-Ghabah, Vol. I, p.34; Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd al-Farid, Vol. 111, p.61. [108] al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. II, p. 456 [109] Yawm al-Islam, quoted in al-Amini in Ayan al-Shiah, (Persian translation), Vol. 1, p.262. [110] al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. V, p.31; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, Vol. III, p. 3. [111] Ibn Abi 1-Hadid, Sharh, Vol. VI, p. 391. [112] al-Yaqubi, al-Tarikh, Vol. II, p. 103; al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. III, p. 108. [113] Ibn Hisham, al-Sirah, Vol. IV, p.336; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, Vol. V, p.246. [114] Ibn Qutaybah, al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, Vol. II, p. 9. [115] al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. II, pp. 455-59. [116] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, Vol. I, p. 133; Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd al-Farid, Vol. III, p. 63. [117] Ibn Hisham, al-Sirah, Vol. IV, p. 343; al-Muhibb al-Tabari, Riyad al-Nadirah, Vol. I, p. 164. [118] al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz al-Ummal, Vol. III, p. 140. [119] Ibn Bakkar, al-Muwaffaqiyat, p. 583. [120] al-Masudi, Muruj al-Dhahab, Vol. I, p. 441; Ibn Qutaybah, al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, Vol. I, pp. 12-14. [121] al-Yaqubi, al-Tarikh, Vol. II, p. 124; al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. IV, p.843. [122] Abu al-Fida, al-Tarikh, Vol. I, p. 156; al-Diyar Bakri, Tarikh al-Khamis, Vol. I, p. 188; Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd al-Farid, Vol. III, p. 63; al-Muhibb al-Tabari, Riyad al-Nadirah, Vol. I, p. 167. Ibn Abil-Hadid, Sharh, Vol. I, pp. 130-34; [123] al-Yaqubi, al-Tarikh, Vol. II, p. 105; al-Tabari, Tarikh, Vol. II, pp. 443-46; al-Muhibb al-Tabari, Riyad al-Nadirah, p. 167. al-Diyar Bakri Tarikh, al-Khamis, Vol. I, p. 188; al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz al-Ummal, Vol. III, p. 128; Ibn Abil-Hadid, Sharh ., Vol. I, pp. 122, 132-34. [124] Ibn Hisham, al-Sirah, Vol. IV, p.308. [125] Ibn Qutaybah, al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, p. 19. [126] al-Tabari, Tarikh; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil. The Objection of Ali to the Decision of the Companions on the Caliphate Some people ask why at the meeting held in the Saqifah Ali did not raise the issue of his appointment at Ghadir Khumm by the Messenger of God, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, to be his successor. Why, they ask, did he not tell the Migrants and the Helpers that he had been appointed by the Prophet so that nobody had the right to contest the succession with him or to claim the caliphate? Had the thousands of people who had been present at Ghadir Khumm forgotten what they had witnessed? The answer is that the Imam did indeed raise the issue of Ghadir Khumm whenever he deemed it appropriate in order to prove the justice of his claim to the successorship and to object to the decision that had been taken at the Saqifah, thus reminding people of what had happened. For example, historians relate the following: When Fatimah, the daughter of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, together with Ali sought aid from the Companions, they answered, O daughter of the Messenger of God! We have given our allegiance to Abu Bakr. If Ali had come to us before this, we would certainly not have abandoned him. Ali, peace be upon him, them said, Was it fitting that we should wrangle over the caliphate even before the Prophet was buried? (32) Similarly, on the day that the six-man council was convened and Abd al-Rahman b. Awf made plain his inclination that Uthman be appointed caliph, the Imam said: I will set before you an undeniable truth. By God, is there any among you concerning whom the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, said, For whomsoever I was until now the master, henceforth Ali is the master; O Lord, love whoever loves Ali and help whoever helps Ali, ordering this to be conveyed to those who were absent? All the members of the council confirmed the truth of the words he had spoken, saying, none can lay claim to any of this. [33] It is an indisputable historical fact that thirty of the Companions testified at the congregational mosque in Rahbah to what they had witnessed at Ghadir Khumm. The historians relate that one day Ali, peace be upon him, said in the course of a sermon he was delivering at this mosque, O Muslims, I adjure you by God: is there among you any who witnessed what transpired at Ghadir Khumm, who heard the Messenger of God, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, proclaiming me to be his successor, and who observed the people paying allegiance to me? Stand up and give witness! At this point thirty men out of those present stood up and in a loud voice testified to what they had seen at Ghadir Khumm. Another telling of this same incident relates: Many people stood up to give witness.[34] 32 This testimony to what had transpired at Ghadir Khumm was given at the mosque in Rahbah during the caliphate of Ali, peace be upon him, in the thirty-fifth years of the Hijrah, while the proclamation of Alis successorship at Ghadir Khumm in the course of the Farewell Pilgrimage had taken place in the tenth year of the Hijrah, i.e., twenty five years earlier. [35] Taking into consideration the fact that many elderly Companions must have died during this quarter century, that many casualties had been incurred during the wars that took place during the rule of the first three caliphs, and that many surviving Companions were not present in Kufah, being scattered in other cities, the significance of this historic testimony to what had happened at Ghadir Khumm is obvious. Ahmad b. Hanbal writes: Only three men did not rise to their feet, although they too had been present at Ghadir Khumm. Ali, cursed them and they were afflicted. [36] Abu al-Tufayl says: When I left the mosque at Rahbah I asked myself how the majority of the ummah had failed to act in accordance with the hadith of Ghadir Khumm. I met Zayd b. Arqam to discuss the matter with him and told him, I heard Ali say such-and-such. Zayd replied, The truth of what he says is undeniable; I too heard it from the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family. [37] Ali, adduced the hadith of Ghadir Khumm in support of his claims on numerous other occasions. He cited it as proof of his Imamate during the Battle of the Camel, at Siffin and in Kufah, as well as in the Mosque of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, in Madinah on an occasion when two hundred leading persons from among the Migrants and Companions were present. [38] Apart from this, various factors prevented Ali from reacting strongly to what occurred at the Saqifah and caused him to choose the path of endurance and patience instead, a patience he himself described as akin to having a thorn in the eye and a bone in the throat. [39] It will be apposite here to cite some passages from the answer of the hate Allamah Sharaf al-Din to Shaykh Salim al-Bishri: Everyone knows that the Imam and his friends from among the Bani Hashim and other tribes were not present at the Saqifah when allegiance was being sworn to Abu Bakr; in fact, they had not even set foot there, being engaged in the imperative and grave task of preparing the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, for burial and being unable to think of anything else. The ceremonies of the Prophets burial were still not over when the people gathered at the Saqifah completed their business. They gave allegiance to Abu Bakr, swore loyalty to him, and with remarkable farsightedness agreed to confront firmly any development threatening to weaken the state. Was Ali in any position then to argue his case before the people? And was he given any chance to do so once allegiance had been sworn to Abu Bakr? His opponents displayed cunning and political acumen and neither did they shrink from violence. Even in our age, how many people find it possible to rise up in revolt against the government or to overthrow it simply by popular pressure? And if someone has the intention of doing so, will he be left untroubled? If you compare the past with the present, you will see that people were just the same as they are now, that conditions then were just the same. Moreover, if Ali had raised his claim at that time, the only result would have been confusion and disorder, and he would still have been unable to assert his rights. For him, the preservation of the foundations of Islam and of the doctrine of divine unity was an overarching aim. The ordeal that Ali underwent at that time tried him sorely. Two momentous matters were weighing on him. On the one hand. His explicit designation as caliph (khalif) and legatee (wasiyy) of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, was still ringing in his ears and impelling him to act. On the other hand, the disturbances and rebellions that were arising on all sides served to warn him that the situation in the entire Arabian peninsula might collapse; the people might change their attitudes altogether, leading to the disappearance of Islam. He was in addition threatened by the existence of the Hypocrites in Madinah who had grown in strength after the death of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family. The Muslims at that time were like a flock of sheep stranded by a flood on a dark winters night, surrounded by bloodthirsty wolves and predators. Musaylamah al-Kadhdhab, Talhah b. Khuwaylid and Sijah the daughter of al-Harith, together with the rabble that had gathered around them, were exerting themselves to the utmost to destroy Islam and vanquish the Muslims. As if all this were not enough, the Persian and Byzantine emperors, as well as the other powerful rulers of the age, were waiting for a favorable opportunity to attack Islam. Many others too, in their hatred for the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, and his Companions were ready to use any means in order to avenge themselves on Islam, and they saw in the death of the leader of Islam a favorable opportunity for causing sabotage and destruction. Ali thus found himself at a crossroads, and it was natural that one of his caliber should sacrifice his own right to the caliphate to the cause of Islam and the Muslims. However, even while sacrificing his right, he wished to adopt an appropriate stance to those who had usurped it, one that did not lead to disorder or disunity among the Muslims or create an opportunity for the enemies of Islam. He therefore remained at home and did not swear allegiance to Abu Bakr until he was forced to leave his home and brought to the mosque. If he had gone of his own accord to swear 33 allegiance, he would have effectively relinquished his claim to the caliphate and his partisans would have been left without any argument to make on his behalf. By choosing the path that he did, he accomplished two things: the preservation of Islam and the safeguarding of the legitimate form of the caliphate. He acted thus because he realized that under the circumstances the preservation of Islam depended on his making peace with the caliphs. He was motivated solely by the desire to protect the shariah and religion; in fact, in renouncing the office that was rightly his for the sake of God he was acting in accord with the duty prescribed by both reason and religion giving priority to the more important of two contradictory duties. In short, the situation prevailing at the time made it impossible for him either to take up the sword in rebellion or to argue for his rights and criticize the state of affairs in the young Muslim community. Nonetheless, Ali and his progeny, peace be upon them, as well as scholars devoted to his cause have always found intelligent and appropriate ways of reminding the Muslim community of the instructions left by the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family, at Ghadir Khumm. As all scholars are aware, they ceaselessly propagated the relevant traditions of the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him and his family [40] Notes: [32] Ibn Qutaybah, al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, Vol. I, pp. 12-13; Ibn Abi al-Hadid, Sharh; Vol. II, p.5. [33] al-Khwarazmi, al-Manaqib, p. 217. [34] al-Muhibb al-Tabari, Riyad al-Nadirah, Vol. II, p. 162; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, Vol. V, p. 212; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, Vol. I, pp. 118-19. [35] Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, Vol. IV, p. 370; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah, Vol. V, p. 212. [36] Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, Vol. IV, p. 370. See also Ibn Qutaybah, Kitab al-Maarif, p. 194. [37] Ibn Majah, al-Sunan, Vol. IV, p. 370. [38] al-Hamawini, Faraid al-simtayn, Chapter 58. [39] See the Khutbah Shaqshaqiyyah in al-Radis Nahj al-Balaghah. [40] Sharaf al-Din, al-Murajaat, (Persian translation), p. 429. 34
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