When Meles Zenawi died a year ago, many people hoped for a liberalization of state control in Ethiopia, while others feared bloody power struggles and revolts. Both hopes and fears came to naught. A new Prime Minister was appointed, with roots in the southern region. The same ruling group retained control of Ethiopia and many say: “Meles still rules.” There is no tradition of democracy in Ethiopia, the authoritarian patterns are deeply rooted and the country has experienced only short spells of freedom to debate and criticize. A divided opposition has been easy for Ethiopian security services to handle. Trying to quell a third of the population who feel their religion is oppressed can prove a lot more difficult. Prime Minister of Ethiopia Meles Zenawi died a year ago. He led the armed uprising that toppled the military dictatorship in 1991. For 20 years, he cemented his power in Africa’s second most populous country. When Meles died, many people hoped for a liberalization of state control in Ethiopia, while others feared bloody power struggles and revolts. In June, the opposition held demonstrations that were not put down brutally. This brought hope and led to new manifestations − where demonstrators were reportedly arrested and killed. Ethiopia’s development agenda is defended with harshness. Neither critical journalism or demands for more religious freedom by Muslims, nor nomadic groups’ claims for a reasonable pace of life changes are really listened to. Ethiopia is composed of a large number of ethnic groups. Soon after taking power, the governing coalition party EPRDF instituted a federal reform. The regional administrative divisions aimed at developing the whole country but it has not led to significantly greater devolution and control over resources. Meles was Tigrean. This ethnic group represents only 8 per cent of the approximately 85 million Ethiopians but the Tigrean Peoples’ Liberation Front TPLF led the overthrow of the military dictatorship in coalition with three other parties. The military and security services are dominated by Tigreans. It is easy to imagine that the fragmentation and division could have disastrous consequences. Eritrea’s liberation was preceded by 30 years of bloody struggle, followed by a devastating − for both sides − war in 1998 and continued tensions affecting the entire development of the Horn of Africa.
Posted on: Tue, 15 Oct 2013 14:24:14 +0000
Trending Topics
Recently Viewed Topics
© 2015