Electoral truths By Fahim Zaman The writer heads the Dawn - TopicsExpress



          

Electoral truths By Fahim Zaman The writer heads the Dawn Elections Cell. PAKISTAN Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) leaders have repeatedly claimed there was ā€œmassive riggingā€ in the 2013 elections. Letā€™s examine the veracity of that claim. Imran Khanā€™s allegations have maligned then Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) chief, retired Justice Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim, former chief justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhry, and the caretaker set-up at the time, because he maintains that they, together with Nawaz Sharif, snatched the last election from him. According to the ā€˜principles of electoral swingā€™, only a small perĀ­centage of voters, ie 3-5pc, that traditionally vote for Party A, vote for Party B which gives the latter a lead of 6-10 percentage points, while the remaining disillusioned voters tend to abstain from voting altogether. The poll outcome was in fact in consonance with statistical models projecting final results. Although the PTI manifesto appealed to urban youth, it was folly to believe it could sweep urban Punjab ā€” the PML-Nā€™s heartland where the party has won an overwhelming number of votes during earlier elections. In rural Punjab, the PPPā€™s poor performance during the last five years and PML-Nā€™s incumbency combined to help the latter at the hustings. The ECP took several measures to ensure poll transparency. Article 218 of the Constitution devolves the responsibility of holding free and fair elections on the ECP, which ā€œshall consist of Commissioner who shall be the Chairman of the Commission; and four members, each of whom has been a Judge of a High Court from each Provinceā€. In July 2012, parliament unanimously approved Mr Ebrahim as chief election commissioner (CEC). Under his leadership, the electoral body took several important measures to ensure electoral transparency. The National Judicial Policy Forum headed by Pakistanā€™s then chief justice, in response to appeals from the CEC and political parties, placed 900 judicial officers, including sessions, additional sessions and civil judges at the ECPā€™s disposal to perform their duties as returning officers (RO). This was done reluctantly because the Judicial Policy 2009, in order to reinforce its separation from the executive, had laid down that the judiciary was to play no role in the electoral process. The ECPā€™s efforts resulted in the deveĀ­lopĀ­ment of an elaborate Computerised Electoral Rolls System; electoral rolls were printed with votersā€™ photographs and CNIC numbers; magnetised ink ā€” recommended by Nadra ā€” was produced by the Pakistan Council of SciĀ­entific and Industrial Research to affix votersā€™ thumb impressions on the rolls. (The special ink was developed to better identify voters through magnetic as well as optical readers.) Polling stations were assigned on the basis of 2011 population census blocks. An SMS 8300 service was set up to help voters confirm their registration and the location of polling stations. Electors were provided the opporĀ­tuĀ­nity to get themselves enrolled in constiĀ­tuencies of their residence, while CNIC data was used to ensure one vote per individual. Higher grammage paper, not available in the market, was used to print ballot papers at the Pakistan Printing Corporation facilities in Islamabad, Lahore, and Karachi and the Security Printing Press, Karachi. To ensure that electoral materials were not tampered with, strict military cordons were maintained around the printing sites. During printing, employees stayed at the facilities without access to visitors, mobile phones or electronic devices. Materials were transported to district ROsā€™ camp offices under stringent security provided by the army and Rangers. CNICs were checked, thumb impressions placed on electoral rolls, votes examined and counted, and results announced by the ROs in the presence of candidatesā€™ election agents, and copies of the results were suppĀ­lied to them. The RepresenĀ­taĀ­tion of Peoples Act, 1976 provides canĀ­didates the right to approach ECP for reĀ­dress of their grievaĀ­nĀ­ces and recount of votes. Under Section 52 of the Act, after 60 days, candidates can only file appeals with election tribunals. The 15 tribunals constituted by the CEC have the authority to open, recount, recheck votes and results. Against 849 assembly seats, a total of 402 appeals were filed before the election tribunals, out of which 312 have been decided. Out of 241 PTI candidates who contested National Assembly seats, 27 returned as winners, 76 as runners-up and 138 at third position or lower. Only 29 PTI candidates filed petitions with election tribunals ā€” 17 in Punjab, six each in Sindh and KP. While 18 appeals have been decided, 11 remain pending along with those by 79 other candidates. Even assuming that all 29 appeals were settled in PTIā€™s favour, how would that have changed the final outcome? This is not to suggest that individual canĀ­didates did not or could not have tried to rig their contests. Nor it is in any way suggested that substantial electoral reforms are not needed. However, if Mr Ebrahim or the ECP wanted to rig the elections, why would they undertake such elaborate and unprecedented efforts to prevent electoral fraud? The writer heads the Dawn Elections Cell. fahim@dawn Published in Dawn, September 8th, 2014
Posted on: Mon, 08 Sep 2014 19:46:41 +0000

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